11691-1 11691 Ala Ad Din Ata Malik Juvaini - - 11691-2 11691 Ala Ad Din Ata Malik Juvaini - - J5iTt| - 92 JOY 92 The cor 2?he history of the conqueror 2 . 55 11691-3 11691 Ala Ad Din Ata Malik Juvaini - - .K.A.N.SAS C jTY, M0. PU SLIC.LIBRARY D DOD1 Cm0713b D DEC 2 619.63 11691-4 11691 Ala Ad Din Ata Malik Juvaini - - 11691-5 11691 Ala Ad Din Ata Malik Juvaini - - THE HISTORY OF THE WORLD-CONQUEROR 11691-6 11691 Ala Ad Din Ata Malik Juvaini - - 11691-7 11691 Ala Ad Din Ata Malik Juvaini - - 11691-8 11691 Ala Ad Din Ata Malik Juvaini - - ENTHRONEMENT OF OGEDEI From a very old MS. of Rashid-ad-Din in the Bibliotheque Nationale 11691-9 11691 Ala Ad Din Ata Malik Juvaini - - THE HISTORY OF THE WORLD-CONQUEROR ly cAla-ad-Din 'Ata-Malik JUVAINI Translated from the text of Mirza Muhammad QAZVINI by JOHN ANDREW BOYLE, Ph.D. VOL. I HARVARD UNIVERSITY PRESS CAMBRIDGE, MASSACHUSETTS 1958 11691-10 11691 Ala Ad Din Ata Malik Juvaini - - © (1958) by MANCHESTER UNIVERSITY PRESS Quotation from or reprinting of this work in the United States of America is forbidden except by written permission of the exclusive licensee, HARVARD UNIVERSITY PRESS UNESCO COLLECTION OF REPRESENTATIVE WORKS PERSIAN SERIES Published in accordance with an agreement between UNESCO and the University of Tehran. In compliance with the regulations of UNESCO, this translation has been revised by Professor V. Minorsky Printed in Great Britain 11691-11 11691 Ala Ad Din Ata Malik Juvaini - - THIS TRANSLATION IS GRATEFULLY DEDICATED TO MY WIFE, MARGARET ELIZABETH 11691-12 11691 Ala Ad Din Ata Malik Juvaini - - 11691-13 11691 Ala Ad Din Ata Malik Juvaini - - FOREWORD WHETHER or not the Bible legend is true that it was Man's presumption in building the Tower of Babel which caused the multiplicity of languages in the world, the punishment was very severe; and it falls with especial severity upon historians. Anyone who wishes to trace the major events in history must be himself an accomplished linguist or must put his reliance on translations that are often inaccurate and out of date or on indirect references to works that have never been translated from their original tongue. The rise and expansion of the Mongol Empire are among the most important events of later medieval history. There was barely a country in Europe or Asia that was not in some way affected by the Mongol onslaught, and many of them had their whole course changed by it. But the historian who attempts to tell its story is faced with essential sources in a greater number of languages than any one human being can be expected to know. Sooner or later he has to depend upon translators, whose works will be useless to him unless they are exact, intelligent and clear. Of the writers who have left contemporary accounts of the Mongols none is more important than Juvaini. He knew personally many of the chief actors in the dramatic stories that he told. He enjoyed the confidence of the H-Khan Hiilegu, the Mongol conqueror of Baghdad. He himself was intimately connected with one of the most interesting episodes in the story, the destruction of the headquarters of the Assassins at Alamut. He was, moreover, a historian in the best Moslem tradition, a man of wide interests and of literary accomplishment. But hitherto his work in its entirety has only been accessible to Persian scholars. A full and worthy translation of his history into English is therefore a very welcome contribution to historiography. I hope that it will be read not only by the specialist students of the Mongol expansion and of the strange sect of the Assassins but also by everyone who finds pleasure in reading history. STEVEN RUNCIMAN vii 11691-14 11691 Ala Ad Din Ata Malik Juvaini - - 11691-15 11691 Ala Ad Din Ata Malik Juvaini - - CONTENTS PAGE FOREWORD, ly The Hon. Steven Runciman . vii ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS.......xii TRANSLATOR'S INTRODUCTION.....xv NOTE ON TRANSLITERATION.....xxxvi BIBLIOGRAPHY........xxxix ABBREVIATIONS.........xlv PART ONE DOXOLOGY.......... 3 INTRODUCTION.........4 I. Of the condition of the Mongols before the time of Chingiz- Khan's rise to power.......19 II. Of the laws which Chingiz-Khan framed and the yasas which he promulgated after his rise to power . . .23 III. Chingiz-Khan's rise to power and the beginning of the passing to him of the empires and kingdoms of the kings of the world: a brief account thereof . . . .34 IV. Of the sons of Chingiz-Khan.....40 V. Of the conquest of the land of the Uighur and the submission of the i£-qut........44 VI. Of the further history of the Uighur .... 48 VII. Of the origin of the idi~qut and the land of the Uighur according to their own belief. . . . . . 53 VIII. Of Kuchliig and Toq-Toghan . . . .61 IX. Of the martyred mam,e Ala-ad-Din Muhammad of Khotan (God's mercy le upon him /) . . . . .70 X. Of the conquest of the regions of Almaligh, Qayaligh and Fulad; together with an account of the rulers thereof . 74 XL Of the reason for the attack on the countries of the Sultan 77 XII. Of the advance of the world-conquering Khan against the countries of the Sultan and the capture of Otrar . . 81 XIIL Of the advance of Ulush-Idi against Jand, and the conquest of that region ........ 86 XIV. Of the capture of Fanakat and Khojend, and the story of Temur Malik . . . . . . .91 XV. A short account of the conquest of Transoxiana . . 95 ix 11691-16 11691 Ala Ad Din Ata Malik Juvaini - - CONTENTS XVI. Of the capture of Bokhara......97 XVII. Of the rebellion of the Tarabi.....109 XVIII. Of the conquest of Samarqand.....115 XIX. Of the fate of Khorazm......123 XX. Of the departure of Chingiz-Khan to Nakhshab and Tirmiz 128 XXL Of Chingiz-Khan's crossing of the river at Tirmiz and the taking of Balkh........130 XXII. Of Chingiz-Khan's turning to do battle with the Sultan 133 XXIII. Of the return of Chingiz-Khan.....138 XXIV. Of the expedition of Torbei Toqshin in search of Sultan Jalal-ad-Din........141 XXV. Of the expedition of Yeme and Siibetei in pursuit of Sultan Muhammad........142 XXVI. A brief account of Toli's conquest of Khorasan . . 150 XXVII. Of Merv and the fate thereof.....153 XXVIII. Of what befell at Nishapur . . • . . . .169 XXIX. Of the accession of the World-Emperor Qa*an to the throne of the Khanate and the power of World-Empire . . 178 XXX. Of the campaign of the World-Emperor Qa'an against Khitai and the conquest of that country . . .191 XXXI. Of the second quriltd.......196 XXXII. Of the deeds and actions of Qa'an . . . .201 XXXIII. Of the houses and dwelling-places of Qa'an . . .236 XXXIV. Of Toregene Khatun.......239 XXXV. Of Fatima Khatun .......244 XXXVI. Of the accession of Giiyiik Khan to the throne of the Khanate 248 XXXVII. Of Princess Oghul-Ghaimish and her sons . „ .262 XXXVIII. Of Tushi and the accession of Batu in his stead . .266 XXXIX. Of the conquest of Bulghar and the territory of the As and the Rus.........268 XL. Of the horsemen of the Keler and Bashghird , . 270 XLL OfChaghatai........271 PART TWO I. Of the origin of the dynasty of the Sultans of Khorazm (May God make bright their example /).....277 II. Of the accession of'Ala-ad-Din Khorazm-Shah . .315 III. How the kingdom of the Sultans of Ghur passed into the hands of Sultan Muhammad . , . • . 327 11691-17 11691 Ala Ad Din Ata Malik Juvaini - - CONTENTS PAGE IV. Of what befell Kharmil after the Sultan's return . .333 V. Of Kozli and his latter end . . . . .336 VI. Of the accession of Mazandaran and Kerman . .340 VII. Of the conquest of Transoxiana . . . . .341 VIII. Of the Sultan's returning a second time to wage war on the gilr-khan ......... 349 IX. Of the conquest of Kruzkuh and Ghaznin . . .352 X. Of the Khans of Qara-Khitai, their rise to power and their destruction . . . . . . . .354 [Contmuei in Vol. II Frontispiece. Enthronement of Ogedei Maps. Three maps illustrating this history will be found at the end of this volume. 11691-18 11691 Ala Ad Din Ata Malik Juvaini - - ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS WHILST recording the names of those who have helped me in the preparation of this work I should like at the same time to pay tribute to the memory of the late Professor H. H. Schaeder, who occupied, at the time of his recent death, the chair of Oriental Philology and the History of Religion in the University of Gottingen. It was in Professor Schaeder's Seminar in Berlin, in the autumn of 1938, that I first became acquainted with the Tarikh-i-Jaban-Gusha of Juvaini; and it is a source of deep regret to me that he did not live to see the translation of a work to which I was introduced under his stimulating guidance nearly twenty years ago. A version of Part I was included in a Ph.D. thesis prepared under the supervision of Professor Vladimir Minorsky, then Professor (now Professor Emeritus) of Persian in the University of London. I afterwards continued to work on the translation with the encouragement of Professor Minorsky, who took an active interest in its progress. I used to send my version to him in instalments of a chapter or two at a time and he would check it against the Persian original; and down to the time when the translation was actually in the press he was constantly answering my queries on historical, geographical and linguistic problems. It was he too who revised the final draft of the translation in accordance with the requirements of Unesco. The initials V* M. in the footnotes are far indeed from indicating the extent of my indebtedness to Professor Minorsky. The idea of the translation was his, and but for his help and inspiration it would never have been completed. The means of publication were provided by the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization, which I approached at the suggestion and with the support of Professor A. J. Arberry, Sir Thomas Adams's Professor of Arabic in the University of Cambridge. UNESCO, in collaboration with the University of Tehran, has planned to xii 11691-19 11691 Ala Ad Din Ata Malik Juvaini - - ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS publish a series of translations from and into Persian; and with the agreement of the Iranian authorities the Ta'rikb-i-Jatxtn-Gwba was chosen as the first book of Persian literature to be translated into English in the UNESCO Collection of Representative Works, Throughout the preparation of this work I have drawn upon the experience of specialists in many fields of study. In the early stages I had the privilege of frequent consultations with the eminent Iranian scholar, His Excellency Sayyid Hasan Taqizadeh, then resident in Cambridge. In the final stages I had the good fortune to enter into correspondence with Professor F. W. Cleaves, Associate Professor of Far Eastern Languages in Harvard University, who painstakingly answered my numerous queries on Mongolian and Chinese problems and also provided me with translations of passages from the Yuan sbih, the official history of the Yuan or Mongol dynasty of China, a source still for the most part accessible only to Sinologists. The annotation of the History of the World-Conqueror has been much enriched by these contributions from Professor Cleaves. Other scholars whom I consulted include Dr. M. A. Azzam, Special Lecturer in Arabic in the University of Manchester; Professor A. F. L. Beeston, Laudian Professor of Arabic in the University of Oxford; Sir Gerard Clauson, K.C.M.G., O.B.E., F.S.A.; Professor Willy Hartner, Professor of the History of the Natural Sciences in the University of Frankfurt-am-Main; Professor W, B. Henning, Professor of Central Asian Studies in the University of London; Dr. W. O. Howarth, formerly of the Department of Botany in the University of Manchester; Professor E. S. Kennedy, Associate Professor of Mathematics in the American University, Beirut; Dr. J. D. Latham of the University Library, Manchester; Professor Reuben Levy, Professor of Persian in the University of Cambridge; Professor Bernard Lewis, Professor of the History of the Near and Middle East in the University of London; Dr. M. M. Majdhub, Lecturer in Arabic in the University of Khartoum; the late Dr. A. A. A. Meguid, formerly Special Lecturer in Arabic in the University of Manchester; Professor O. Neugebauer, Professor of the xiii 11691-20 11691 Ala Ad Din Ata Malik Juvaini - - ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS History of Mathematics in Brown University, Providence* Rhode Island; Dr. D. J. Price, Consultant in the History of Astronomy and Physics, U.S. National Museum, Smithsonian Institution, Washington, B.C. ; and Lieut-Col. G. E. Wheeler, C.I.E., C.B.E., M.A., Director of the Central Asian Research Centre. For the prolonged loan of many works essential for my researches I am indebted to the India Office Library and the Libraries of the Royal Asiatic Society, the School of Oriental and African Studies and, in particular, the University of Manchester. Mr. H. M. Barnes of the Literature Section of UNESCO and my colleague Mr. C. F. Beckingham, Senior Lecturer in Islamic History in the University of Manchester, read through the manuscript of the translation and made a number of valuable suggestions. Mr. Beckingham also helped me with the proof-reading, as did likewise Mr. T. M. Johnstone, Lecturer in Arabic in the School of Oriental and African Studies, whom I had previously consulted upon certain quotations from the Arabic poets. The maps were planned with the collaboration and advice of Mr. W. C. Brice of the Department of Geography in the University of Manchester and were executed by Miss E. A. Lowcock, Draughtswoman to that Department. By the courtesy of the Bibliotheque Nationale, the Trustees of the E. J. W. Gibb Memorial and Messrs. Luzac and Co. two plates from the original Persian edition by the late Muhammad Qazvini have been reproduced as frontispieces to Vols. I and II respectively. Mr. T. L. Jones, Secretary to the Manchester University Press, was always ready with help and counsel throughout the whole process of publication and the Printers, Messrs. Butler and Tanner, surmounted with complete success the difficulties of a text which presented many unfamiliar typographical problems. To all who have been of assistance in the production of this book I offer my warmest thanks. xiv 11691-21 11691 Ala Ad Din Ata Malik Juvaini - - TRANSLATOR'S INTRODUCTION I. THE AUTHOR c ALA-AD-DIN c Ata-Malik Juvaini was born, in all probability, in the year 1226. This is the date given by the Syrian historian Dhahabi1 and it accords with Juvaini's own statement that when he began to work on his history, i.e. during his residence in Qara-Qorum between May, 1252, and September, 1253, he was in his twenty-seventh year. As the name Juvaini implies his family was connected with the district of Juvain in Khorasan. This district, now known as Jaghatai, lies to the north-west of Nishapur in a valley between the Harda and Jaghatai mountains. The chief town was then Azadvar, a place which afterwards declined in importance but is still to be found on large-scale maps. Yaqut, the celebrated geographer, a contemporary of Juvaini, describes Azadvar, which he had visited, as a prosperous little town with mosques and a bazaar; outside the gates was a great caravanserai for the accommodation of merchants. Here it was that JuvainTs great-grandfather, Baha-ad-Din, had waited upon the Khorazm-Shah Tekish when he passed through on his way to do battle with Sultan Toghril, the last of the Seljuq rulers of Persia. And here was the birthplace of the two famous brothers, Shams-ad-Din, the vizier of the Il-Khans, and cAla-ad-Din, the historian of the Mongol invasion.2 The family from which they sprang was one of the most distinguished in Persia. Juvainis had held high office under both the Seljuqs and the Khorazm-Shahs; and they claimed descent from Fadl, the son of ar-Rabi% who succeeded the Barmecides in the service of Harun ar-Rashid and who, In turn, 1 Most of the information on Juvaini's life is derived from the History of the World-Conqueror itself supplemented by the various sources gathered together by Muhammad Qazvini in his introduction to the Persian text. 2 Hamdallah in the geographical part of his Nuzbat-al-Qulub (tr. le Strange, 169) mentions only Shams-ad-Din, but Daulatshah in his Memoirs of the Poets (ed, Browne, 105) refers to Azadvar as the birthplace of both brothers. XV 11691-22 11691 Ala Ad Din Ata Malik Juvaini - - TRANSLATOR S INTRODUCTION traced his pedigree back to a freedman of cUthman, the third Caliph. So often had they occupied the post of sahib-divan or Minister of Finance that the title had become a sort of family surname; it was borne by Juvaini's brother Shams-ad-Din, who did in fact hold this office, though he was also Grand Vizier both to Hiilegii and to his son and first successor Abaqa; and it was borne by Juvaini himself, who was actually governor of Baghdad. Of Juvaini's ancestors Muntajab-ad-Din Bad?, the maternal uncle of his great-grandfather, the Baha-ad-Din already mentioned, was a secretary and favourite of Sultan Sanjar the Seljuq. How he intervened to save the life of the poet Vatvat, who had incurred Sanjar's displeasure by his verses, is related in the pages of Juvaini. The author's grandfather, Shams-ad-Din Muhammad, was in the service of the ill-fated Muhammad Khorazm-Shah, whom he accompanied on his flight from Balkh to Nishapur. At the end of his life the Khorazm-Shah appointed him sahib-divan and he was confirmed in this office by Muhammad's son, the reckless adventurer Jalal-ad-Din, whose service he entered after Muhammad's death. He died before Akhlat on the shores of Lake Van in what is now Eastern Turkey, during his master's siege of that town, which lasted, according to the historian Ibn-al-Athir, from the I2th of August, 1229, to the i8th of March, 1230. Nasawi, the secretary and biographer of Jalal-ad-Din, was the executor of Shams-ad-Din's will. In conformity with the dead man's wishes he caused his remains to be transported to his native Juvain, while his property was conveyed, through trustworthy intermediaries, to his heirs.8 This latter circumstance shows that his son, Baha-ad-Din, Juvaini's father, cannot have been with him at Akhlat, and in fact we know nothing of Baha-ad-Din's activities or whereabouts until some two years after his father's death when we read of his presence in Nishapur in Khorasan. He was then about 40 years of age. It seems likely that he had been living quietly on 3 See Nasawi tr.'Houdas, 324-5 (text, 195). Houdas translates Shams-ad-Din Muhammad's title (sahib-divan), somewhat misleadingly, as * president du divan *. XVI 11691-23 11691 Ala Ad Din Ata Malik Juvaini - - TRANSLATORS INTRODUCTION the family estates in Juvain, at no great distance from Nishapur> of which it was a dependency. Khorasan, which had suffered terribly during the invasion, was now in a state of utter chaos. The province was not yet completely subdued and there was still sporadic resistance to the Mongols. To add to the confusion, two adherents of Jalal-ad-Din, then but recently dead, used to make raids on the Nishapur area and kill the Mongol officials. In 1232-3 Chin-Temiir, the newly appointed governor of Khorasan and Mazandaran, dispatched an officer called Kiil-Bolat with instructions to expel or destroy these forces. On the news of his approach Baha-ad-Din together with certain of the leading citizens of Nishapur fled to Tus, where they sought and found sanctuary with one Taj-ad-Din Farizani, who had seized a castle in the midst of the ruined city. Meanwhile Kiil-Bolat, after driving off the enemy, had learnt of the fugitives in Tus. He sent to Farizani demanding their return, and Farizani, despite the assurances he had given, at once surrendered them to Kiil-Bolat, * thinking,9 says Juvaini, * that he would put them to death*. If such was his expectation, he was disappointed. Kiil-Bolat received them with every honour; and Baha-ad-Din was enrolled in the service of the Mongols. Soon Chin-Temur made him sahib-divan and in 1235-6 he accompanied Korgiiz, an Uighur Turk then deputy to Chin-Temiir, upon a mission to the Great Khan, Ogedei, the son and first successor of Chingiz-Khan. Ogedei received him very favourably: he gave him a paiza, Marco Polo's * tablet of authority *, and a yarligh or firman confirming his appointment as * whit-divan of the lands *. The return of the mission coincided with the death of Chin-Temiir and Korgiiz was summoned back to Mongolia to report upon the situation. He was a clever and ambitious man, and he determined to avail himself of this opportunity to advance his own cause. * Fortune,* he said to JuvainFs father, with whom he was evidently on intimate terms, * is like a bird. No one knows on which branch it will alight. I will make the endeavour and find out what exactly has been pre-ordained and what is required by the revolution of the heavens/ So well did B xvii 11691-24 11691 Ala Ad Din Ata Malik Juvaini - - TRANSLATOR'S INTRODUCTION he succeed that he returned from Qara-Qorum as the virtual governor of these western, territories. In 1239, he was again in Mongolia, answering certain charges that had been laid against him; and during his absence Baha-ad-Din acted as his deputy. Again he returned in triumph and Baha-ad-Din prepared a great feast to welcome him. In 1241, having started on a third journey to Qara-Qorum he was met en route with the news of the Great Khan's death and returned to Khorasan. But having in the course of his journey antagonized one of the officials of the House of Chaghatai, he was shortly afterwards arrested and taken to Almaligh near Kulja in the present day Sinkiang, the residence of Qara-Hiilegu, the grandson and successor of Chaghatai, at whose orders he was brutally put to death. Baha-ad-Din's position was unaffected by his patron's downfall. He was confirmed in his office by Korgiiz's successor, the Emir Arghun, who now, by a decree of the Regent of the Empire, Princess Toregene, Ogedei's widow, was appointed the ruler over an area which extended from the Oxus to Fars and included not only Khorasan and Mazandaran but also Georgia, Armenia and part of Asia Minor and Upper Mesopotamia. In the course of a tour of inspection Arghun had reached Tabriz in Azerbaijan, when he received a summons to attend the Snltal or assembly of the princes at which Giiyiik, the son of gedei, was elected his successor as Great Khan (1246); and during his absence JuvainTs father, the sahib-divan, acted as his deputy over all these territories. When he returned, loaded with honours by the new Khan, Baha-ad-Din advanced to meet him as far as Amul in Mazandaran, where he prepared a splendid banquet to welcome his return, just as he had done for his predecessor Korgiiz on a similar occasion some seven years before. Before Arghun could continue on his journey to Azerbaijan he received news of intrigues against him in the Mongol capital; and he determined to return thither without delay. On this journey he was accompanied not only by Baha-ad-Din but also, at his express desire, by Juvaini himself, who at this time was about twenty-two years of age. The party had reached Taks, xviii 11691-25 11691 Ala Ad Din Ata Malik Juvaini - - TRANSLATOR S INTRODUCTION the present-day Jambul In Kazakhstan, when they were met with the tidings of Giiyiik's death, and at the advice of the Mongol general Eljigltei Arghun returned to Khorasan to organize the provisioning of the armies under Eljigitef s command, In the late summer of 1249 he again set out on the eastward journey and finally reached the ordu of Princess Oghul-Ghalmish, in whom, as the widow of Giiyiik9 was vested the Regency of the Empire. His case was duly examined, his enemies discomfited and Arghun himself completely vindicated. On the homeward journey the party (of which Juvaini was one) halted for a month or two at the otdu of Yesu, who now ruled over the apanage of Chaghatai. It was here, near the present-day Kulja, only ten years before that Korgiiz, Arghun's predecessor, had met his untimely end. The party had arrived in Almaligh In the late summer or early autumn of 1250; when they left it was winter and the roads were blocked with snow, nevertheless they made rapid progress and were soon back in Merv in Khorasan. Arghun did not remain long in Persia. In August or September, 1251, he again set out for the East in order to be present at the great quriltai which had assembled to elect the new Khan. On this journey too he was accompanied by Juvaini. He had got no further than Talas when he received the news that Mongke had already been elected. It was now mid-winter and the great quantities of snow made travelling almost impossible. Nevertheless he pressed on and finally reached Besh-Baligh, the old Uighur capital, which corresponds to the modem Jimsa, a little to the north-west of Guchen in Sinkiang. From here Arghun sent on a message to inform the new Khan of his approach, but the party did not reach the Mongol Court till the 2nd May, 1252, i.e. nearly a year after Mongke's accession. Arghun reported to the Khan on the economic situation of the Western lands and as a result of the discussions that followed Mongke instituted a number of reforms in the system of taxation. These deliberations lasted so long that it was not until August or September, 1253, that Arghun finally took his leave.4 It was during this lengthy stay in the Mongol capital that Juvaini was 4 See, however, ii, 598 and n. 155. xix 11691-26 11691 Ala Ad Din Ata Malik Juvaini - - TRANSLATOR'S INTRODUCTION persuaded by friends to commence work on a history of the Mongol conquests. When the party set out on the homeward journey he was presented by Mongke with a yarligh and a paiza confirming his father in the office of sahib-divan. Baha-ad~Din was now in his sixtieth year and after some twenty years in the Mongols' service it was his wish to retire into private life, but this was not to be. The fiscal reforms were now being put into practice, and Baha-ad-Din, together with a Mongol called Naimatai, was sent to take over the governorship of Persian Iraq, i.e. Central Persia, and Yezd. He had reached the district of Isfahan when he was taken ill and died. It is perhaps to administrators like Baha-ad-Din that Persia owes her survival through so many troublous ages. Dynasties might rise and fall but there were always officials to be found who, by cooperating with the new regime, maintained a kind of continuity in the government of the country and saved it from falling into utter ruin and disintegration. The traditions of his ancestors under the Khorazm-Shahs, under the Seljuqs before them and perhaps under earlier dynasties also were upheld by Baha-ad-Din in a period of transition and after his death were carried on by his sons under a new dynasty, that of the Mongol Il-Khans of Persia. The founder of that dynasty, Prince Hiilegii, a younger brother of the Great Khan, was now advancing westwards at the head of an immense army, his first objective being the destruction of the Ismacilis or Assassins of Alamut. In Kish, to the south of Samarqand, famous afterwards as the birthplace of Tamerlane, he was met by Arghun in November, 1255. Arghun had again been the victim of intrigues at Court and with Hiilegtf s encouragement he now set out for Qara-Qorutn to defend himself against his accusers. The administration of the Western lands he entrusted, under Hulegii, to his son Kerei Malik, a certain Emir Ahmad and Juvaini. From thence onward Juvaini was to continue in the service of Hiilegii and his descendants until his death. An incident had already occurred which showed the esteem in which he was held by the Mongol conqueror. A certain xx 11691-27 11691 Ala Ad Din Ata Malik Juvaini - - TRANSLATOR S INTRODUCTION Jamal-ad-Din, who was a party to the intrigue against Atghun, had handed Hulegii a list of the officials whom he proposed to accuse before the Great Khan. Hulegii at once replied that these were matters within Arghun's own competence. Then, coming upon Juvaini's name in the list, he added: ' If there is a charge against him let it be stated in my presence so that the matter may be investigated here and now and a decision given/ Whereupon Jamal-ad-Din withdrew his accusation and retired in confusion. The great army had now crossed the Oxus and was marching through Khorasan, where they passed by the town of Khabushan (the present-day Quchan), * which had lain derelict and in ruins from the first incursion of the Mongol army until that year, its buildings desolate and the qanats without water, and no walls still standing save those of the Friday mosque'. * Having observed the King's interest and pleasure in restoring ruins/ Juvaini drew his attention to the case of Khabushan. * He listened to my words and issued a yarligb for the repairing of the qanats, the erection of buildings, the establishment of a bazaar, the alleviation of the people's lot and their re-assembly in the town. All the expense of re-building he met from the treasury so that no charge fell upon the people/ Finally, in the late autumn of 1256, the Mongols converged from every side upon the Assassins' strongholds in Alamut, * the Eagle's Nest *, to the north-east of Qazvin. Rukn-ad-Din, the last feeble successor of the redoutable Hasan-i-Sabbah, had been playing for time in the hope that the snows of winter would come to his aid and render a siege impracticable; but the weather remained unseasonably mild and, in the middle of November, he decided to surrender. For this purpose he asked for a yarligb granting him safe-conduct and this was drawn up by Juvaini, who must also have taken part in the actual negotiations. It was Juvaini too who composed thefatb-nama or proclamation of victory announcing the final defeat and extirpation of the Assassins. He also tells how with Hiilegifs permission he examined the famous library of Alamut, from which he selected many * choice books' whilst confiding to the flames those * which related to their heresy and error and were neither founded on xxi 11691-28 11691 Ala Ad Din Ata Malik Juvaini - - TRANSLATOR S INTRODUCTION tradition nor supported by reason *. Of these latter works, however, he fortunately preserved an autobiography of Hasan-i-Sabbah, from which he quotes large extracts in the third volume of his history. With the destruction of Alamut accomplished Hulegii turned to his second objective, the conquest of Baghdad and the overthrow ofthe'Abbasid Caliphate. How Alau, * the Great Lord of the Tartars/ captured the city of Baudac and starved the Caliph to death in * a tower, all full of gold, silver and other treasures' may be read in the pages of Marco Polo. In point of fact, the unfortunate Caliph was probably wrapped in a carpet and beaten to death with clubs, such being the Mongols* practice in the execution of their own princes. However, Marco Polo's version of the preliminary interview between Hlilegii and the Caliph agrees very closely with the account given by the famous Persian philosopher Nasir-ad-Din Tusi, who had been in the service of the Assassins and who now accompanied Hiilegii to Baghdad. Juvaini too had accompanied the conqueror, and a year later, in 1259, Hiilegii appointed him governor of all the territories that had been directly held by the Caliphs, i.e. Baghdad itself, Arab Iraq or Lower Mesopotamia and Khuzistan* Hiilegii died in 1265 but under his son Abaqa Juvaini retained his position though nominally deputy to the Mongol Sughunchaq. For more than twenty years he continued to administer this great province and during this time did much to improve the lot of the peasantry. He caused a canal to be dug from Anbar on the Euphrates to Kufa and the holy city of Najaf and founded 150 villages on its banks; and it was said, with some exaggeration, that he had restored the country to greater prosperity than it had enjoyed under the Caliphs. Neither Juvaini himself nor his brother Shams-ad-Din, who united in his person the posts of Grand Vizier and sahib-divan, was without his enemies, and during their long tenure of office there were several attempts to encompass their ruin. However, intrigues of this sort had left the brothers comparatively unscathed until the latter years of Abaqa's reign when a certain Majd-al- xxii 11691-29 11691 Ala Ad Din Ata Malik Juvaini - - TRANSLATOR S INTRODUCTION Mulk, originally a protege of the Juvainis, succeeded in gaining the ear, first of Arghun, Abaqa's son, and then of Abaqa himself and laid against Shams-ad-Din the usual charges of being in league with the Mongols* most formidable enemies, the Mameluke Sultans of Egypt, and of having embezzled large sums from the Treasury. Shams-ad-Din succeeded in allaying the Il-Khan*s suspicions, and finding him immune from attack Majd-al~Mulk now turned his attention to his brother. He persuaded Abaqa that Juvaini, during his governorship of Baghdad, had misappropriated the enormous sum of 2,500,000 dinars and that this money was buried in his house. In October, 1281, Abaqa was on a hunting expedition in Upper Mesopotamia intending to proceed to his winter quarters at Baghdad; and Juvaini was sent on in advance to arrange for accommodation and commissariat. No sooner was he out of sight than Majd-al~Mulk repeated the old charge, and the II-Khan at once dispatched certain of his emirs to follow Juvaini and investigate the matter. They overtook him at Takrit and informed him of Abaqa's orders. * I realized', says Juvaini, * that the matter was serious, that the statements of prejudiced persons had produced a deep impression on the King's mind, and that the demand for these " residues" was merely an excuse for obtaining the money they purposed to take from me, with which money, as they vainly believed, the water-tanks in my house were filled. To be brief, I accompanied the commissioners from Takrit to Baghdad, where I handed over to them everything that was in my house and treasury, gold and silver, precious stones and plate, clothes and in short everything that I had either inherited or acquired.'s He then gave a declaration in writing that if thereafter so much as a dirham was found in his possession he should be held responsible and punished. Learning of his predicament his brother Shams-ad-Din, who was in attendance on the Il-Khan, at once hurried to Baghdad, collected from his own and his children's houses all the gold and silver plate on which he could lay his hands, borrowed what 5 E. G. Browne's translation. See the English introduction to Qazvini's text, xxxix-xl. xxiii 11691-30 11691 Ala Ad Din Ata Malik Juvaini - - TRANSLATOR'S INTRODUCTION valuables he could from persons of consequence and offered all this wealth to Abaqa, who was now approaching Baghdad, in the hope of propitiating him. It was all of no avail Juvaini was held in confinement in his house while the Mongol officials searched for the money he was supposed to have buried, torturing his servants and digging up the graves of his children and kinsmen. Finding nothing they transferred Juvaini to the Qasr Musanna to languish as a prisoner whilst they returned to report to Abaqa. However, certain of the Mongol princes and princesses, including Abaqa's favourite wife, intervened on Juvaini's behalf, and finally, on the I7th of December, 1281, the Il-Khan was persuaded to order his release. This attempt having failed, Majd-al-Mulk now caused Juvaini to be accused of maintaining a correspondence with the Mamelukes of Egypt, and In March, 1282, he set out from Baghdad to Hamadan, in the company of the Il-Khan*s commissioners in order to answer this charge before his accusers. On the ist of April, the party having just crossed the pass of Asadabad near Hamadan, they were met by certain of Abaqa's courtiers with the good news that the Il-Khan, finally convinced of Juvaini's innocence, had restored him to favour and released his agents from custody. Upon reaching Hamadan, however, Juvaini learnt that Abaqa had just died; and in the changed circumstances it was decided to retain him in confinement. This confinement was not of long duration, for soon there came the news that Tegiider, the brother of Abaqa, a convert to Islam and known also by the Moslem name of Ahmad (he Is the Acomat Soldan of Marco Polo), had succeeded to the throne and that one of his first acts had been to order Juvaini's release. The new ruler was then in Armenia. Juvaini went to join him there and afterwards accompanied him to the quriltai that was held in the Ala-Taq pastures to the north-east of Lake Van, near the headwaters of the Eastern Euphrates. Here the new governors were appointed to their various provinces; and Juvaini received back his old governorship of Baghdad. Tegiider was informed of the activities of Majd-al-Mulk and his associates and ordered an investigation. Majd-al-Mulk was found guilty xxiv 11691-31 11691 Ala Ad Din Ata Malik Juvaini - - TRANSLATOR S INTRODUCTION and condemned to death but before the sentence could be carried out he was seized and lynched by a party of Moslems and Mongols who * fell upon him, even wounding one another in their struggle to reach him, tore and hacked him to pieces, and even roasted and ate portions of his flesh.9 This account of his own triumph and his enemy's discomfiture concludes the second of two tracts in which Juvaini has described the various intrigues against himself and his brother. His own end was now near at hand. There was open hostility between the new ruler and his nephew Arghun; and because the Juvainis stood high in his uncle's favour and also because he shared the widespread belief that Shams-ad-Din had poisoned his father Abaqa, Arghun was determined to bring about their ruin. Going to Baghdad he revived the old charge of embezzlement against Juvaini and began to arrest his agents and put them to the torture. One of these men having recently died he caused his body to be exhumed and flung upon the highway. Upon receiving news of this barbarity Juvaini, according to one account, was seized with a violent headache from which he shortly afterwards died. According to Dhahabi, however, his death was due to a fall from his horse. Whatever the cause, he died in Mughan or Arran on the 5th of March, 1283, being about fifty-seven years of age, and was buried in Tabriz. His death would not in any case have been long delayed. In the next year Arghun dethroned and succeeded his uncle; he ordered the execution of Shams-ad-Din and his four sons and soon the Juvaini family was all but extinguished. II. HIS WORK The History of the World-Conqueror was begun in Qara-Qorum in 1252 or 1253 ; and Juvaini was still working on it in 1260, when he had recently been appointed governor of Baghdad. In that year or soon afterwards he must have renounced the idea of continuing his history, for there are no references to events subsequent to that date. Of the conditions under which much of xxv 11691-32 11691 Ala Ad Din Ata Malik Juvaini - - TRANSLATOR'S INTRODUCTION his work was written we have Juvaini's own testimony. Commenting on the Mongol conquest of Khorasan he expresses himself in the following terms: And though there were a man free from preoccupations who could devote his whole Hfe to study and research and his whole attention to the recording of events, yet he could not in a long period of time acquit himself of the account of one single district. How much more is this beyond the powers of the present writer, who, despite his inclination thereto, has not a single moment for study save when, in the course of distant journeys, he snatches an hour or two, when the caravan halts, and writes down these histories ! (I, 118; i, 152). These conditions have left their traces on the history. Dates are sometimes omitted or incorrectly given, and the author occasionally contradicts himself. Such faults are understandable in an unrevised work; they are even more so in a work which there is evidence to show was never completed. In one early MS. (B) there is a blank equivalent to 7 or 8 lines of the text at the chapter on Arghun (II, 262; ii, 525) and a much longer blank (over a page) at the end of the chapter on Mongke's ministers (III, 89). These blanks, as Muhammad Qazvini suggests, were probably left by the author for later additions which were never made. There are also references to non-existent chapters: to one on the capture of Herat (I, 118 ; i, 151) in Vol. I and to at least five—one on Chinqai, Carpinf s * protonotary *, (III, 58; ii, 158), one on Eljigitei, the Mongol commander who sent an embassy to Louis IX (III, 62; ii, 590), and one on each of the missions to Mongke (III, 82; ii, 602)—in Vol. III.1 Vol. Ill itself is evidence of incompletion. In the original division of the text it formed the second volume of the work. The text is still so divided in at least three MSS. one of which (E) is based on a MS* contemporary with the author; and we have Juvaini's own testimony to this division in his introduction to Vol. Ill, where in summarizing the contents of * the previous volume * he enumerates the events recorded in Vols. I and II of the text as found in most MSS. 1 In the translation the three volumes of the Persian text are referred to as parts in order to avoid confusion with the two volumes into which the translation itself is divided. Small roman numerals indicate the volumes of the translation. xxvi 11691-33 11691 Ala Ad Din Ata Malik Juvaini - - TRANSLATOR S INTRODUCTION and in the printed edition. In such a division of the text the second volume is much smaller than the first, but they might well have been equal in size, if the five chapters referred to above had actually been written and if Juvaini—as one would have expected—had closed his work with an account of the culmination of Hiilegii's campaign against the West, the sack of Baghdad and the extinction of the cAbbasid Caliphate, an event which he survived by some twenty-seven years. * Perhaps', as Qazvini suggests, * the exacting duties of the governorship of Baghdad . . . allowed him no leisure for the continuance of his great history.'2 His work, to quote Barthold, * has not yet been valued at its deserts *,3 and in the West at least Juvaini has been overshadowed by the later Rashid-ad-Din, considerable parts of whose enormous compilation, * a vast historical encyclopedia, such as no single people, either in Asia or in Europe, possessed in the Middle Ages',4 have long been available in European translations. Rashid-ad-Din was able to draw upon Mongol sources inaccessible to Juvaini; his account of the early life of Chingiz-Khan is infinitely fuller and more detailed than the earlier historian's. On the other hand Juvaini lived much nearer to the events he describes, and much of his account of the invasion must be based upon reports of eye-witnesses. For the history of Persia between the invasion and the expedition of Hiilegii he could rely upon his father's reminiscences and his own recollections; and in the end, he became, as we have seen, himself a participant in events. It is significant that Rashid-ad-Din, in dealing with the history of this period, is usually content to follow his predecessor almost word for word. Juvaini enjoyed the further advantage of having twice visited Eastern Asia. Most of his information regarding the Turks and Mongols must have been gathered at the courts of the Mongol princes and in the course of his journeys thither; and the accuracy of his data may be tested by comparison not only with Rashid-ad-Din but also with 2 See the English introduction to Vol. I of Qazvini's text, Ixiii-lxiv. 3 Barthold, Turkestan down to tfa Mongol Invasion, 40. 4 Ibidemf 46. xxvii 11691-34 11691 Ala Ad Din Ata Malik Juvaini - - TRANSLATOR'S INTRODUCTION the works of Western travellers such as Carpini, Rubruck and Marco Polo and with the Chinese and native Mongolian sources. The History of the World-Conqueror at once became the great authority on the Mongol invasions and as such was freely utilized by both contemporary and subsequent historians, Arab and Persian, In Pococke's Latin translation of Barhebraeus (Oxford, 1663) parts of Juvaini became accessible, at second hand, to Western scholars also. His work was not, however, directly used in Europe until the 19th century with the appearance of Baron d'Ohsson's Histoire des Mongols depuis Tchingms-Khan jusqua Timour Bey ou Tamerlan (ist edition 1824, 2nd edition 1834-5), which still provides the best, and certainly the most readable, survey of the whole Mongol period. D'Ohsson was unfortunately obliged to work on an indifferent manuscript, the only one then in the possession of the Bibliotheque Roy ale (now the Bibliotheque Nationale), which afterwards acquired the excellent MSS. on which Qazvini's text is based. Since d'Ohsson, Barthold, in his Turkestan, is the only historian who has made extensive use of Juvaini's work in the original, but being concerned only with the events that culminated in the actual invasion he does not touch upon the history of the Empire under Chingiz-Khan's successors. In the English edition of his work he was able to consult the first two volumes of Qazvini's monumental edition of the Persian text; but it was not until the publication of Vol. Ill in 1937 that the whole of Juvaini became accessible even to Orientalists. It is now presented, in an English translation, to a wider circle of readers. Much is inevitably lost in translation. Unlike the later Rashid-ad-Din, whose language is plain and simple in the extreme, Juvaini was a master of what was already the traditional style of Persian prose literature. It is a style which disposes of all the rhetorical devices known to the Euphuists. Word-plays are indulged in, whenever possible, and these are not merely puns as we understand them but what might be called visual puns, which appeal to the eye only, two words being identical in shape though perhaps entirely dissimilar in pronunciation. xxviii 11691-35 11691 Ala Ad Din Ata Malik Juvaini - - TRANSLATOR S INTRODUCTION The text is interlarded with quotations from the Arabic and Persian poets, with verses of the author's own composition and with passages from the Koran; and the chapters begin and end or are interrupted in the middle with reflections on such subjects as the vanity of human wishes or the inexorability of Fate. However, Juvaini was a man of taste; he had his rhetoric under some measure of control and could, when the occasion demanded it, tell his tale in the plainest and most straightforward language. In this he differed from his admirer and continuator Vassaf, who has been described as being * so ornate in style that one cannot see the wood for the trees5.5 'We could forgive the author *, says E. G. Browne, * more readily if his work were less valuable as an original authority on the period (1257-1328) of which it treats, but in fact it is as important as it is unreadable,5 6 In Juvaini, on the other hand, there is often a point concealed even in what appears to be mere ornament. By quoting, for example, from the Shabnama or * Book of Kings5, the National Epic, he was able to give vent to feelings which it would have been impossible openly to avow. III. HIS POINT OF VIEW Ibn-al-Athir, in the preface to his account of the Mongol invasion, of which he was a contemporary, remarks that for years he had shrunk from mentioning that event as being too horrible to record. It was, he protested, the greatest calamity that had ever befallen mankind.1 Juvaini, who was actually in the Mongols' service, could hardly be expected to echo such sentiments, and in fact he says much in his masters' praise and even attempts to justify the invasion as the fulfilment of the divine will. On the other hand, he was a devout and orthodox Mohammedan, and his real feelings cannot have been materially different from those of Ibn-al-Athir. Moreover, in Juvainfs 5 E. Denison Ross, The Persians, 128. 6 A Literary History of Persia, III, 68. 1 For a translation of the whole passage see Browne, A Literary History of Persia, II, 427-8. xxix 11691-36 11691 Ala Ad Din Ata Malik Juvaini - - TRANSLATOR'S INTRODUCTION case, there were traditional ties with the house of the Khorazm-Shahs—his grandfather as we have seen, had accompanied Muhammad on his flight from Balkh to Nishapur and had ended his days in the service of Muhammad's son, Jalal-ad-Din —and he can hardly have looked back without regret upon the extinction of that dynasty. In fact, Juvaini, though denied the freedom of expression enjoyed by Ibn-al-Athir, is at no great pains to conceal his preference of the Moslem past to the Mongol present. On the invasion itself he could of course express no opinion, but the wholesale massacres to which so many of the captured cities were subjected are always faithfully recorded together with all the accompanying atrocities. It is Juvaini too who tells the famous story of Chingiz-Khan in the mosque of Bokhara (I, 80-1; i, 103-4). Of the consequences of the invasion he speaks at times with the utmost frankness. He twice refers to the condition of hopeless desolation to which the conquerors had reduced his homeland, the once flourishing province of Khorasan (I, 75 and II, 269; i, 96-7, ii, 533). He also refers to the disastrous effects upon the pursuit of learning and then launches a bitter attack upon the new generation of officials, the product of a great social upheaval (I, 4-5; i, 6-8). To one member of this class, Sharaf-ad-Din of Khorazm, he devotes a whole chapter (II, 262-82; ii, 525-46), in which he paints him in the blackest of colours and assails him with the coarsest of abuse. Sharaf-ad-Din, the son of a porter, had accompanied Chin-Temiir from Khorazm to Khorasan at a time when * no reputable scribe * was willing to undertake the journey because * it was intended to lay waste a Moslem country *. He owed his advancement to his knowledge of the Turkish language (II, 268; ii, 532). Another official received his appointment because he could write Mongolian in the Uighur character, which, as Juvaini sarcastically adds, * is in the present age, the essence of learning and proficiency* (II, 260; ii, 523). The Mongols themselves, if one disregards one or two oppro- xxx 11691-37 11691 Ala Ad Din Ata Malik Juvaini - - TRANSLATOR S INTRODUCTION brious references,2 are never openly attacked, but there is perhaps an undertone of irony, and therefore of disapproval, in the various allusions to their addiction to strong drink. Ogedei, for example, is made to offer an apology for his inebriety. It was due, he said, to * the onslaught of sorrow which arises from grievous separation/ He therefore chose to be drunk in order to find relief from that sorrow (III, 4; ii, 550). The c grievous separation ' he referred to was the loss of his brother Tolui, who, according to Juvaini, had drunk himself to death (III, 4; ii, 549). But the real state of Juvaini's feelings is most clearly revealed in the attitude he adopts towards the defeated Khorazm-Shahs. Muhammad is frequently criticized. His conquests are shown to have paved the way for the Mongol invasion (I, 52; i, 70). His campaigns against the Qara-Khitai, in particular, were undertaken without regard to a warning that this people formed * a great wall * between the Moslems and c fierce enemies * and ought therefore to be left in peace (II, 79 and 89; i» 347* 357). Having removed every obstacle in the way of the Mongol invasion he renders that invasion inevitable by commanding the execution of Chingiz-Khan's ambassadors (I, 61; i, 79). When the storm finally breaks, he is seized with panic and decides to disperse his forces and seek safety in flight; and his son Jalal-ad-Din is made to deliver a speech in which he strongly protests against the cowardice of such a policy and volunteers to lead the armies in person against the invader (II, 127; ii, 397). Muhammad, in short, is blamed for having needlessly provoked the Mongol invasion but also for having abjectly failed to repel it. Juvaini's attitude, in fact, is that of the disappointed partisan; and only a partisan could write that Islam was heartbroken and the very stones wept tears of blood because of Muhammad's death (II, 117; ii, 387). Towards Muhammad's son, Jalal-ad-Din, Juvaini's attitude is one of unreserved admiration. He is presented everywhere as a figure of great physical courage. In the clash with Jochi, 2 II, 133 (ii, 403) ('Tartar devils') and 275 (539) ('strangers to religion'); III, 141 (ii, 640) (' their [the Ismatf ills'] Maulana . . . has become the serf of bastards'). xxxi 11691-38 11691 Ala Ad Din Ata Malik Juvaini - - TRANSLATOR'S INTRODUCTION before the outbreak of hostilities, he rescues his father who was in danger of being taken prisoner, and Juvaini vents his feelings in an apposite verse from the Sbabnama (I, 51-2; i, 69). As he plunges into the Indus after the final charge against the Mongols, the words of admiration are made to proceed from the lips of Chingiz-Khan himself (I, 107; i, 134-5)- And again Juvaini quotes from the Sbahnama, comparing Jalal-ad-Din with Rustam, the mythical hero of the Iranians. Such quotations are not of course fortuitous; by this device Juvaini is able to identify the Khorazm-Shahs with Iran and the Mongols with Turan, the hereditary foe.3 But not every allusion is hostile. There are passages in which Juvaini speaks of the Mongols in terms of high praise; and there is usually no reason for doubting his sincerity. It is clear, for example, that he had a genuine admiration for the military genius of Chingiz-Khan, of whom Alexander himself, he says, would have been content to be a pupil (I, 16-17; i, 24). He expatiates with enthusiasm on the efficiency of the Mongol army, its powers of endurance and its excellent discipline; and he compares it in these respects with the forces of Islam, very much to the latter's disadvantage (I, 21-3; i, 29-31). He praises the Mongol princes for the spirit of harmony that prevailed amongst them and here again contrasts their behaviour with that of the Moslems (I, 30-2 and III, 68; i, 41-3, ii, 594). He commends them also for their informality and avoidance of ceremonial (I, 19; i, 26-7). Despite his strong Mohammedan prejudices he speaks with apparent approval of their tolerance in matters of religion (I, 18-19; i» 26). And finally he has much to say of their protection and patronage of the Moslems. Several of the anecdotes4 in the chapter *On the deeds and actions of Qa'an * are concerned with the kindness shown by 3 Cf. II, 136 and 139 (ii, 406, 409), where by this means Chingiz-Khan is likened to Afiasiyab, and I, 73 (i, 95), where a quotation from the Sbabnama serves to illustrate Temiir Malik's boasting about his victories over the * Turanian host *. 4 See I, 161, 163, 179, etc. (i, 204, 206, 223, etc.). xxxii 11691-39 11691 Ala Ad Din Ata Malik Juvaini - - TRANSLATOR S INTRODUCTION the jovial, good-natured Ogedei to Mohammedans in distress. Of Ogedei's nephew, Mongke, during whose reign the History of the World-Conqueror was written, it is stated that * of all the sects and communities he most honoured and respected the people of Islam, upon whom he bestowed the most alms and conferred the greatest privileges * (III, 79). And Juvaini speaks of him at times in terms hardly distinguishable from those applied to Moslem rulers (I, 85 and 195; i, 109, 239). He even confers upon him the exclusively Mohammedan title ofgbazi or * victor against the infidel* with reference to his execution of a group of Uighur nobles who had plotted, amongst other things, to massacre the Moslem population of Besh-Baligh (III, 61; iis 589). Mongke's mother, too, Princess Sorqoqtani, is praised not only for her probity and administrative ability, but also for her patronage of Islam: though a Christian she would bestow alms upon Moslem divines and had provided a large sum for the endowment of a madrasa or theological college in Bokhara (III, 8-9; ii» 552-3). It was not however sufficient to record the good qualities of the Mongol invaders; as an official in their service, Juvaini had to justify the invasion itself. This he has done by representing the Mongols as the instrument of the divine will. He compares the invasion with the punishments visited on earlier peoples for their disobedience to God and in support of this analogy adduces a baditb or tradition of Mohammed to the effect that the destruction of the Moslems was to be by the sword (I, 12; i, 17). Another baditb refers to the horsemen whom God will send to exact vengeance on the wicked; and nothing is easier than to identify these horsemen with the Mongols (I, 17; i, 24). And to drive the point home, the Conqueror himself, in a speech directed to the people of Bokhara, is made to declare that he is the scourge of God (I, 81; i, 105). This divine mission of the Mongols was particularly manifest in their destruction of the foes of Islam. Thus it was God who dispatched them against Kiichliig, the Naiman ruler of c xxxiii 11691-40 11691 Ala Ad Din Ata Malik Juvaini - - TRANSLATOR S INTRODUCTION Qara-Khitai, who had crucified a Moslem divine upon the door of his madrasa (I, 55 ; i, 73); and the people of Kashghar, when the Mongols had expelled their persecutor and restored freedom of worship, perceived * the existence of this people to be one of the mercies of the Lord and one of the bounties of divine grace' (I, 50; i, 67). God's purpose was also revealed in Hiilegu's capture of the Isma'ili stronghold of Alamut, which Juvaini compares with the conquest of Khaibar, i.e. the Prophet's defeat and extermination of his Jewish adversaries at Khaibar near Medina (III, 138; ii, 638). But their mission was not merely negative; their conquests actually had the effect of extending the boundaries of Islam. The transportation of craftsmen, saved by their skill from the fate of their fellow townsmen, to new homes in Eastern Asia, and the thronging of merchants to the new capital at Qara-Qorum had introduced a Moslem population to regions to which the True Faith had never penetrated (I, 9; i, 13-14). Even the massacres were a blessing from God; for by the manner of their death the slaughtered millions achieved the status and enjoyed the privileges of martyrs to the Faith (I, 10; i, 15). And here at least we may question Juvaini's sincerity and share the indignation expressed by d'Ohsson at arguments 6 faits pour demontrer que c'est pour le bien des Musulmans que les Mongols sont venus les egorger*. How is one to reconcile these seeming contradictions—on the one hand, the candid recital of Mongol atrocities, the lament for the extinction of learning, the thinly veiled criticism of the conquerors and the open admiration of their vanquished opponents; and on the other hand, the praise of Mongol institutions and Mongol rulers and the justification of the invasion as an act of divine grace ? The contradictions are, however, apparent only. Juvaini's sympathies did indeed lie with the defeated dynasty; he had been brought up in the traditions of the Perso-Arabian civilization which the Mongols had all but destroyed; and in these circumstances he could scarcely be a xxxiv 11691-41 11691 Ala Ad Din Ata Malik Juvaini - - TRANSLATOR S INTRODUCTION whole-hearted supporter of the new regime. But the old order was dead and gone; there was no hope of its resuscitation; and it was necessary to reach some kind of compromise. Without therefore glossing over the darker side of the picture Juvaini says whatever he truthfully can in the Mongols* favour. He extols their military and social virtues and rightly attributes the Moslems* defeat to the neglect of those virtues. He makes much of their destruction of anti-Moslem forces such as the Buddhist Qara-Khitayans and the heretic Isma*ilis. He stresses the favourable attitude adopted by certain of the Mongols (and it is to be noted that in this respect he speaks only of specific individuals) towards the Mohammedan religion. And finally he endeavours to prove that the Mongol invasion was foreshadowed in the traditions of Mohammed and that it was in consequence a manifestation of the divine will. These theological arguments may not always carry conviction, but their object is clearly to reconcile the author and his readers to the inevitable. In short, Juvaini is a Moslem raised in the pre-Mongol tradition striving to adapt himself to the new conditions but everywhere betraying the prejudices and predilections of his upbringing. XXXV 11691-42 11691 Ala Ad Din Ata Malik Juvaini - - NOTE ON TRANSLITERATION, Etc. IN a translation intended primarily for the general reader I have simplified the spelling of Oriental words by dispensing with the diacritical marks conventionally employed to indicate the precise Persian or Arabic orthography. For the same reason I have adopted such Anglicized forms as' vizier \ ' cadi * and * emir * in preference to wazir (vazir), qSdi (qSzi) and amir. The Holy Book of Islam Is called the Koran rather than the Qur'an and the Prophet to whom it was revealed Mohammed rather than Muhammad, the form Muhammad being reserved for all other bearers of the name. On the other hand it is often desirable, in the interests of the specialist, to indicate the exact spelling of words (and in particular names) in the Arabic character. In the case of Persian and Arabic words this end has been achieved by spelling them in the index in strict accordance with a system of transliteration which Is basically that approved by the Royal Asiatic Society, The same system is employed in the case of words enclosed in round brackets In the text of the translation; It Is also employed, though with less rigid consistency, in the footnotes. In the text itself, as has already been stated, the diacritical marks are omitted* Also the spellings Khorazm, Khoja and Khaf have been adopted in place of the more correct Khwarazm, Khwaja and Khwaf. Sometimes, as for example in discussing a corrupt spelling in the Persian original, it Is difficult to dispense with the use of the Arabic script. As a substitute for that script I have resorted to an alphabet of capital letters which differs from the system of transliteration otherwise employed in that alif is always rendered by A, waw by W and yS by Y; that A denotes alif mamduda only; and that jf, C, X, 2, § and P are equivalent toj, ch> kh, zhj $h and gb respectively. The omission of diacritical points is indicated in two ways. When the loss of the dot or dots makes the Arabic letter identical with another letter of the same shape, xxxvi 11691-43 11691 Ala Ad Din Ata Malik Juvaini - - NOTE ON TRANSLITERATION the Roman equivalent of that other letter is written. Thus QRDWAN represents a corruption of QZDWAN (Qizh-duvan), the omission of the three dots over the zbd making it identical with ra. When however there is no undolted letter of identical shape the corrupt spelling is indicated by means of italics, the letter in italics being either the Roman equivalent of the letter that appears to be meant or else any letter of the required shape chosen at random. An example or two will make this use of italics clear. In SYALAN (for SYALAN, i.e. Siyalan) the two dots beneath the yd have been omitted and it could equally well be read as any other letter of the same shape. In KNHK (for KNf K, i.e. Kenchek) the dot over the nun has been lost and there is a similar ambiguity. (The dot beneath the jim—here equivalent to cbim—has also been lost but this is shown by the use of H, i.e. the corresponding undotted letter.) A more complicated example is YYQAQ. Here YY (or BB etc.) is actually a corruption of S, the first Q could equally well be written F9 the final Q is a corruption of N and the whole is a corruption of &QAN, i.e. Shuqan ! The same system is used to indicate the Arabic spelling of Turkish and Mongol words. This is done in the footnotes upon their first occurrence in the text. The Perso-Arabic alphabet is of course incapable of adequately reproducing all the Turkish and Mongol vowel sounds although by the use of the hard and soft consonants and of alif, waw and ya as mains lectionis it can give some approximate idea of the pronunciation. Following such indications I have spelt all Turkish and Mongol words in the text, the footnotes and the index as far as possible in accordance with the phonetic laws of the two languages. No distinction is made however between Turkish a and e ( 11691-44 11691 Ala Ad Din Ata Malik Juvaini - - NOTE ON TRANSLITERATION slight modifications, whilst for Chinese I have used the Wade-Giles method of transcription. The Armenian alphabet is transliterated as follows: abgdezesfzhilkbtekbdzgb ch m y n sb odfpjtsvtr tsf tu / U d f Arabic phrases and passages in the original appear in the translation in italics. xxxvuu 11691-45 11691 Ala Ad Din Ata Malik Juvaini - - BIBLIOGRAPHY OF WORKS QUOTED IN THE TRANSLATOR'S NOTES ABBOTT, J., Sind: a re-interpretation of the Unhappy Valley, Oxford, 1924. 'Abdallah b. Muhammad b. Kiya: W. Hinz, ed., Die Resala-ye Falakiyya des 'Abdollah ibn Muhammad ibn Kiya al-Mazandaranf, Wiesbaden, 1952. ALLEN, W. E. D., A History of the Georgian People, London, 1932. ARBERRY, A. J. See Omar Khayyam and Sa'di. ATALAY, B. See Kashghari. Baihaqi, Abul-Fazl: Ghani and Fayyaz9 ed., Tarikh-hBaihaaj, Tehran, 13247 1945-6. Barhebraeus: E. A. Wallis Budge, ed. and tr., The Chronography of Gregory AM91 Farajj the Hebrew Physician, commonly known as Ear HebraeuSj 2 vols., Oxford and London, 1932; A. Salihani, ed., Ta'rikb mMtasar ad-duwal, Beirut, 1890. BARTHOLD, W., Histoire des Turcs d'Asie Centrale, Paris, 1945. ------Turkestan down to the Mongol Invasion, (GMS, New Series, V), London, 1928. BENEDETTO, L. F. See Marco Polo. BEREZIN, I. N. See Rashid-ad-Din. Biruni: R. Ramsay Wright, ed. and tr., The Book of Instruction in the Elements of the Art of Astrology by Abu'l-Rayhan Muhammad ibn Ahmad al-BMnl London, 1934- BLOCHET, E. See Rashid-ad-Din. BOWEN, H., * The sar-gudhasht-i sayyidna, the " Tale of the Three School-fellows" and the wasaya of the Nizam al-Mulk', JRAS, 1931. ------See also GIBB and BOWEN. BOYLE, ]. A., * Ibn al-Tiqtaqa and the Ta'rikh-i-Jahan-Gushay of Juvayni', BSOAS,XIV/i (1952). ------f Iru and Mam in the Secret History of the Mongols', HJAS, 17 (1954). -----' On the Titles Given in Juvainl to Certain Mongolian Princes *, HJAS, 19 (i95^)-BRETSCHNEIDER, E., Mediaeval Researches from Eastern Asiatic Sources, 2 vols., London, 1888. BROCKELMANN, C. See Kashghari. BROWNE, E. G., A Literary History of Persia, 4 vols., London, 1902 and 1906, and Cambridge, 1920 and 1924. ------A Year amongst the Persians (3rd ed.), Cambridge, 1950. XXXIX 11691-46 11691 Ala Ad Din Ata Malik Juvaini - - BIBLIOGRAPHY Carpini: C. R. Beazley, ed. in The Texts and Versions of John de Piano Carpini and William de Rulruquis, London, 1900; A. van den Wyngaert, ed. in Sinica Franciscans I, Quaracchi, 1929; W. W. Rockhill, tr. in The Journey of William of Rubruck to the Eastern Parts of the World, London, 1900. CLEAVES, F. W.,' The Historicity of the Baljuna Covenant', HJAS, 18 (1955). ------' The Mongolian Documents in the Musee de Teheran', HJAS, 16 (1953). ------* The Mongolian Names and Terms in the History of the Nation of the Archers by Grigor of AkancY HJAS, 12 (1949). ------Review of E. Haenisch, Die Qeheime Geschichte der Mongolen, HJAS, 12 (i949). ------See also MOSTAERT and CLEAVES and the Secret History of the Mongols. CORBIN, H. See Nasir-i-Khusrau. CORDIER, H., Ser Marco Polo: Notes and Addenda to Sir Henry Yule's Edition, London, 1920. CURZON, LORD, Persia and the Persian Question, 2 vols., London, 1892. Daulatshah: E. G. Browne, ed., The Tadhkhirdttt *sb-Shufard, London, 1901. DEFREMERY, M. C., * Documents sur Fhistoire des Ismaeliens ou Batiniens de la Perse, plus connus sous le nora d*Assassins', JA, i860, I. ------* Essai sur ttustoire des Ismaeliens ou Batiniens de la Perse, plus connus sous le nom d*Assassins', JA, 1856, II. EGHBAL, A. See Tha'alibi. ELIAS, N. See Muhammad Haidar. ELLIOTS Sir H. M. E., and DOWSON, J., The History of India as told by its own Historians, 8 vols., London, 1867-77. Encyclopaedia of Islam, 4 vols., Leiden, 1913-36. Firdausi: T. Macan, ed., The Shah Nameh; an heroic poem, 4 vols., Calcutta, 1829; J. Mohl, ed. and tr., Le Livre des Rois, 7 vols., Paris, 1838-78 ; J. A, Vullers, ed., Firdusii Liber Regum qui inscrtbitur Schahname, 3 vols., Leiden, 1877-84- FRANKE, O., Geschichte des chinesischen Reicfces, 5 vols., Berlin, 1930-52. FRAZER, SIR J. G., The Golden Bough (3rd ed.), 12 vols., London, 1911-15. GABAIN, A. VON, Altturkische Grammatik (2nd ed.), Berlin, 1950. GIBB, SIR H. A. R., and BOWEN, H., Islamic Society and the West, Vot 1, Part J, London, 1950. GIBBON, E., The Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire (ed. Bury), 7 vols., 1900. Grigor of Akner: R. P. Blake and R. N. Frye, ed. and tr., * The History of the Nation of the Archers (The Mongols) by Grigor of Akanc* *, HJAS9 12 (1949). GR0NBECH, K., Komanisches Worterhch, Copenhagen, 1942. GROUSSET, R,, Le Conquirant du Monde, Paris, 1944. ------L'Empire des Steppes, Paris, 1939. ------L*Empire Mongol, Paris, 1941. ------Histoire de 1'Armlnie des origines d wyi, Paris, 1947. xl 11691-47 11691 Ala Ad Din Ata Malik Juvaini - - BIBLIOGRAPHY HAENISCH, E., * Die ietzten Feldziige Cinggis Han's und sein Tod nach der ostasktischen "Oberlieferung *, Asia Major, IX (1933). - See also the Secret History of the Mongols. HAIG, SIR W., Turks and Afghans (Vol. Ill of the Cambridge History of India), Cambridge, 1928. HAMBIS, L., La Haute- Asie, Paris, 1953. - See also the Sheng-wu ch'in-cheng lu and the Yuan sink Hamdalkh : G. le Strange, tr.s The Geographical Part of the Nuzhat~al-QuM composed ly Hamd-Allah Mustawfi of Qazwtn in 740 (1340) (GMS, Old Series, XXIII/2), London, 1919. - J. Stephenson, ed. and tr.9 The Zoological Section of the Nuzhatu-l-QuM of Hamdullah al-Mustaufi al-Qazwrii, London, 1928. HAMILTON, J. R., Les Ouighours a I'e'poque des Cinq Dynasties d'apres les documents cbinois, Paris, 1955. HINZ, W., * Ein orientalisches Handelsunternehmen im 15. Jahrhundert *, Die Welt des Orients, 1949. - See also f Abdallah b. Muhammad b. Kiya. HODGSON, M. G. S., The Order of Assassins, The Hague, 1955. HOLDICH, SIR T., The Gates of India, London, 1910. HOUTSMA, M. T., Ein turkhch-araliscbes Glossar, Leiden, 1894. HOUTUM-SCHINDLER, A., Eastern Persian Irak, London, 1897. Ho WORTH, SIR H. H., History of the Mongols '3 4 vols., London, 1876-1927. Hudud al-Alam, an anonymous Persian treatise on geography, translated into English with Commentary by V. Minorsky (GMS, New Series, XI), London, 1937. HUNG, W., 'Three of Ch'ien Ta-hsin's Poems on Yuan History*, HJAS, 19 Ibn-al-Athir : C. J. Tornberg, ed., Iln-el-Athiri Chronicon, quod perfectissimum inscriUtur, 14 vols., Leiden, 1851-76. Ibn-al-Balkhi : G. le Strange and R. A. Nicholson, ed., The Fdrsndma oflbnu *l-BaUi (GMS, New Series, I), London, 1921. Ibn-Isfandiyar : E. G. Browne, tr., An AMdged Translation of the History of Talaristan compiled about AH. 613 (A.D. 1216) ly Muhammad t. al-Hasan I. Isfandiydr (GMS, Old Series, II), London, 1905. Imperial Gazetteer of India, 26 vols., Oxford, 1907-9. IVANOW, W., Studies in Early Persian Ismailismf Leiden, 1948, - See also the Kalain~i-Pfr. Juvaini : Mirza Muhammad Qazvini, ed., The Ta'rikh-i-Jahdn-Gusha of *Alau 'd-Din *Ata-Malik-i-Juwayn{, 3 vols., (GMS, Old Series, XVI/i, 2, 3), London, 1912, 1916 and 1937; Sir E. D. Ross ed., Ta'rikh~i-Jahan-Gusbay ofjuwayni. Volume III (facsimile of a MS.), London, 1931 ; Fraser 154 and Ouseley Add. 44 (MSS. in the Bodleian). (Qazvini has distinguished the various MSS. on which his edition is based by means of the Arabic letters in their aljaH or numerical order. These have been represented in the footnotes to the translation by Roman capitals in the ordinary alphabetical order. Thus A denotes Qazvinf s MS. alif, C his MS.jtm, G his MS. zdn, and so xli 11691-48 11691 Ala Ad Din Ata Malik Juvaini - - BIBLIOGRAPHY on. The three volumes of Qazvini's edition—called * Parts* in the translation—are referred to in the footnotes by means of capital Roman numerals, whilst small Roman numerals indicate the two volumes of the translation itself.) Juzjani: W. Nassau Lees, ed., The Tabaqat-i Nasiri, Calcutta, 1864; H. G. Raverty, tr., The Tabakat-i Nairn, London, 1881. Kalam-i-Ptr: W. Ivanow, ed. and tr., Kalami P/V, Bombay, 1935- Kashghari: B. Atalay, tr., Divanti Lugat-tt-Turk Tercumesi, 3 vols., Ankara, 1939-41; C. Brockelmann, tr., Mittelturkiscber Wortscbatz nacb Mahmud al-Kasyarjs Dwan Luyat at-Turk, Budapest and Leipzig, 1928. Khaqani: A. cAbdorrasuli, ed., DMn, Tehran, 1316/1937-8. KHETAGUROV, L. A.: See Rashid-ad-Din. Kirakos of Gandzak: Kirakosi Vardapeti Ganfizakets* woy Hamatat Patmut'iwn, Venice, 1865. Koran: J. M. Rodwell, tr., The Koran (Everyman's Library), London, 1909. (In translations from the Koran Rodwell's version has usually been followed except in cases where the context required a different wording.) KRAUSE, E E. A. See the Yuan shib. LAMBTON, ANN K. S.9 Islamic Society in Persia (Inaugural Lecture), London, 1954-LANE-POOLE, S., A History of Egypt in tbe Middle Ages, London, 1901. ------Tbe Mobammadan Dynasties, London, 1894. LE STRANGE, G., Tbe Lands of tbe Eastern Caliphate, Cambridge, 1905. LEVY, R., ' The Account of the Isma'ili doctrines in the Jami" al-Tawarikh of Rashid al-Din Fadlallah', JRAS, 1930. LEWIS, B., The Origins of l$macfii$m} Cambridge, 1940. ------* Some observations on the significance of Heresy in the History of Islam', Studia Islamica, I (1953). Li Chih-ch'ang: A. Waley, tr.s The Travels of an Alchemist, London, 1931. MARQUART (MARKWART), J., * Guwayni's Bericht iiber die Bekehrung der Uighuren*, SPAW, 1912. ------Uler das Volkstum der Komanen in Bang-Marquart, Qsttiirktsche Dtalektstudien, Berlin, 1914. ------Webrot und Arang, Leiden, 1938. MARTIN, H. D.,' The Mongol Wars with Hsi Hsia (1205-27) \JKASf 1942, ------Tbe Rise of Cbmgis Khan and bis Conquest of North China, Baltimore, 1950, Marvazi: V. Minorsky, ed. and tr., Sbaraf al-Zaman Tabir Manwzt on China, tbe Turks and India, London, 1942. Mas'udi: Mafottdi: Les Prairies d'Or; texte et traduction par C. Barbier de Meynard et Pavet de Courteille, 9 vols., Paris, 1861-77. MINORSKY, V,, * Caucasica III: The Alan Capital *Magas and the Mongol Campaigns', BSOAS, XIV/2 (1952). ------* A Civil and Military Review in Fars in 881/1474', BSOS X (1940-2). ------* A Soyurghal of Qasim b. Jahangir Aq-Qoyunlu *, BSOS, IX (1937-9). ------Studies in Caucasian History, London, 1953. xlii 11691-49 11691 Ala Ad Din Ata Malik Juvaini - - BIBLIOGRAPHY MINORSKY, V., * Transcaucasica ', JAt 1930, II. ------'The Turkish Dialect of the Khalaj9, BSOS, X (1940-2). ------See also the Hudud al-Alam, Marvazi, MINOVI and MINORSKY and VERNADSKY. MINOVI, M., and MINORSKY, V., * Nasir al-DIn Tusi on Finance,9 BSQS, X (1940-2). MOSTAERT, A., * Sur quelques passages de ¥ Histoire secrete des Mongols? HJASf 13 (1950). MOSTAERT, A., and CLEAVES, E W., * Trois documents mongols des Archives secretes vaticanes,* HJAS, 15 (1952). Muhammad Haidar: N. Elias, edL, and E. D. Ross, tr., The Tarikh-i-Rashidi of Mirza Muhammad Haidar, DugbUt, London, 1895. Nasawi: O. Houdas, ed. and tr., Histoire fa Sultan Djehl ed-Din MankoUrti, 2 vols., Paris, 1891-5. Naslr-i-Khusrau: M. Minovi, ed., Divant Tehran, 1304-7/1925-8. ------H. Corbin and M. Mofin, ed., JffitatwJdmi'al-J&kmatain, Tehran and Paris, 1953. NICHOLSON, R. A., A Literary History of the Araks, London, 1907. Odoric, Friar: A. van den Wyngaert, ed. in Sinica Frandscana I, Quaracchi, 1929; Sir H. Yule, tr. in Cathay and the Way Thither, II, London, 1913. D'OnssON, C., Histoire des Mongols depuis Tchinguiz-Khan jusqua Timour Bey ou Tamerlan (2nd. ed.), 4 vols., The Hague and Amsterdam, 1834-5. OMAN, SIR C., A History of the Art of War in the Middle Ages (2nd. ed.), 2 vols., London, 1924. Omar Khayyam: A. J. Arberry, ed. and tr., The RuWiyat of Omar Khayyam, London, 1949; E. H. Whinfield, ed. and tr., The Quatrains of Omar Khayyam, London, 1883. PELLIOT, P., * A propos des Comans *, JA, 1920, I. ------* Les Mongols et la Papaute', Revue de I'Orient Cfattien, XXIII (1922-3), XXIV (1924) and XXVIII (1931-2). (The references are to the page numbers of the timge-a-part.) ------* Les mots a h initiale, aujourd'hui amuie, dans le mongol des XIIP et XIVa siecles',^ 1925, I. ------' Neuf notes sur des questions d'Asie Centrale", TP} 1929. ------'Notes sur ie "Turkestan" de M. W. Barthold', TP, 1930. ------Notes sur I'histoire de la Horde fOr, Paris, 1950. ------' Sur un passage du Cheng-wou ts'in-tcheng lou3, Ts'ai Yuan P'ei Anniversary Volume (Supplementary Volume I of the Bulletin of the Institute of History and Philology of Academia Sinica), Peking9 1934-------* Une ville musulmane dans la Chine du Nord sous les Mongols*, JA, 1927, I. -----* Le vrai nom de Seroctan *, TP, 1932. ------See also the Secret History and the Sheng-tvu ch'in-cheng lu. Polo, Marco: L. F. Benedetto, tr., The Travels of Marco Polo, London, 1931; Sir H. Yule, tr., The Book of Ser Marco Polo (srd. ed.), 2 vols., 1903. PRESCOTT, W. H., History of the Conquest^ Mexico (ed. Kirk), London, 1889. xliii 11691-50 11691 Ala Ad Din Ata Malik Juvaini - - BIBLIOGRAPHY QUATREMERE, E. See Rashid-ad-Din. RABINO, H. L.t Mdzandaran and Astardbdd (GMS, New Series, VII), London, 1928. RADLOFF, W., Die dttiirkischen Inschiften der Mongolei, St. Petersburg, 1895. ------Das Kudaktu Bilig, Theft I St. Petersburg, 1891. RADLOFF, W., and MALOV, S. E., Uighurische Sprachdenkmaler, Leningrad, 1928. Rashid-ad-Din: I. N. Berezin, ed. and tr., * Sbornik letopisei', VQ1AO, V (1858), VII (1861), XIII (1868) and XV (1888); E. Blochet, ed., Djami et-Tevarikb (GMS, Old Series, XVIII), London, 1912; A. A. Khetagurov, tr.9 Sbornik letopisei, I, i, Moscow, 1952; E. Quatrernere, ed. and tr., Histoire des Mongols de k Perse, Paris, 1836; O. I. Smirnova, tr., Slorntk Ietopiseif If 2, Moscow, 1952; Add. 7628 (British Museum MS.). Ravandi: Muhammad Iqbai, ed., The Kdhat-us-Sudur wa Ayat-u$~Surur (GMS, New Series, II), London, 1921. RAVERTY, H. G. See Juzjani. ROBERTSON, D. S., * A Forgotten Persian Poet of the Thirteenth Century \ JRAS, 1951- ROCKHILL, W. W. See Rubruck. Ross, SIR E. D., The Persians, Oxford, 1931. ------See also Juvaini and Muhammad Haidar. Rubruck: W. W. Rockhill, tr., The Journey of William of Rubruck to the Eastern Parts of the World, London, 1900; A. van den Wyngaert, ed. in SMca Franciscana 1, Quaracchi, 1929. Sacdi: A. J. Arberry, tr., Kings and Beggars, London, 1945 ; Muhammad eAli Furughi, ed., Bust 11691-51 11691 Ala Ad Din Ata Malik Juvaini - - BIBLIOGRAPHY VERNADSKY, G., Ancient Russia, New Haven, 1943. -----* Juwainfs Version of Chingis Khan's yasa \ Anmles 11691-52 11691 Ala Ad Din Ata Malik Juvaini - - 11691-53 11691 Ala Ad Din Ata Malik Juvaini - - THE HISTORY OF THE WORLD-CONQUEROR 11691-54 11691 Ala Ad Din Ata Malik Juvaini - - 11691-55 11691 Ala Ad Din Ata Malik Juvaini - - [DOXOLOGY] In the name of God, the Merciful., the Compassionate. Thanksgiving and praise unto Him Whom men worship, Who is necessarily existent; unto Him before Whom men prostrate themselves, Whose existence bestoweth the lights of wisdom and munificence: He Is the Maker, and the proof of His oneness lieth in each of the atoms of created things; He Is the Protector, and the purpose of the diversity of tongues and qualities Is to give thanks for His strange and wonderful works; He is the Provider, and at His table, because of His divinity, monotheist and atheist (mulhid) are as one; He is the Creator, and the known Inventions of His nature are but one tale of the perfection of His power; He is mighty, and In praise of His countless blessings the melodious nightingale singeth a thousand songs; He is generous, and the plenteous rain of April Is but one drop in the sea of His bounteousness; He is the Pardoner, and the zephyr of His favour hath been the source of the endurance of every lover; He is the Avenger, and the glittering sword of the Tartar was the instrument of His severity; He is outward, and the minds of the wise are astounded at the greatness of His perfection; He is inward, and the imagination and understanding cannot attain to real knowledge of His glory; He is one, and is sought alike by those that keep to the middle in the valleys of true guidance and by those that travel hurriedly through the wilderness of passion; He is eternal, and is loved alike by the lovers of truth and by idolatrous libertines— Infidelity and Islam walking this way, saying, ' Hie is alone, He hath no companion' And may the blessing of His praise descend upon the flower of the garden of creation, the light of the pupil of men of insight, the seal of the prophets, Mohammed the Elect—a blessing out of which the scent of true devotion reacheth the nostrils of the lovers of holiness and from whose fragrance the supreme Pleroma, In agreement with them that dwell in the garden of D 3 11691-56 11691 Ala Ad Din Ata Malik Juvaini - - THE HISTORY OF contentment, scattereth the largesse [2] of benedictions upon his pure and holy spirit! And upon the chosen ones of his people and the followers of his law—his friends and household, who are stars in the heavens of righteousness and stones cast at the demon of iniquity—be praise that is adorned with the jewel of purity and the gem of truth and that shall endure for the length of days and nights! [INTRODUCTION] In the year 650/1252-3 Fate was kind to me, and Fortune smiled, and there befell me the honour of kissing the threshold of the Court of the World-Emperor, the Commander of the Earth and the Age, the source of the blessings of peace and security, the Khan of all Khans, Mengiix Qa'an—may victory and triumph over the foes of state and faith be fastened to his banner and may his august shadow extend over all mankind ! —and I beheld the effects of that justice whereby all creation hath recovered and bloomed again, just as young plants and trees will smile because of the weeping of the spring clouds; wherein I fulfilled the commandment of the Lord—f Look to the effects of God's meny, bow He maketh the earth to live after its death!2 The eye of insight was ennobled by contemplation of that justice and the ear of truth adorned with the cry of O lovers, that ravisher of hearts hath appeared again. Scatter your hearts, for that sweetheart hath appeared. The tales of Nushirvan's3 justice were hidden thereby and the traditions of Faridun's4 wisdom seemed effaced. The breezes 1 This, the Turkish form of the name, is also used by Carpini (Mengu) and Rubruck (Mangu). Rashid-ad-Din always uses the native form, viz. Mongke. This latter form occurs regularly in E (written MWNK KA) in place of the Mengii (MNKW) of the text, which however in one place (I, 157) has Mongke (written MWNKKA) and in another (I, 195) the hybrid form MWNKW. Both mongke and mengu are adjectives meaning * eternal *. 2 Koran, xxx, 49. 3Nushirvan, i.e. Khusrau I, the Sassanian ruler (531-578), is always represented in Persian literature as the personification of justice. 4 Faridun, actually a figure of Indo-Iranian mythology, appears in the National Epic as the slayer of the tyrant Zahhak (Dahak) and the founder of a pre-Achaemenid dynasty. 4 11691-57 11691 Ala Ad Din Ata Malik Juvaini - - THE WORLD-CONQUEROR of the north wind of his comprehensive equity perfumed the entire world and the sun of his royal favours illumined the whole of mankind. The blast of his shining sword cast fire into the harvest of the abject foe; the subjects and servants of his Court raised the throne of his pavilion to the Pleiades; opponents, for fear of his rigour and fury, tasted the fatal potion; and the hand of his severity and majesty blinded the eye of sedition. When in this manner and wise I had beheld the magnificent and awful presence of him that bruiseth the lips and seareth the brows of illustrious kings, some of my faithful friends and pure-hearted brethren, the toil of travel to whose august presence was as easy as resting at home, [3] suggested that in order to perpetuate the excellent deeds and to immortalize the glorious actions of the Lord of the Age, the youth of youthful fortune and aged resolve, I should compose a history, and in order to preserve the chronicles and annals of his reign I should compile a record such as would abrogate the verses of the Caesars and erase the traditions of the Chosroes.5 Now it is not hidden from the eloquent and the wise, the learned and the accomplished, that the bloom and lustre of the face of literature and the brilliance and prosperity of scholars is due to the patrons of that art and the protectors of that craft— Would that I knew whether I should ever see a man as a companion from whom fair praise was inseparable! Then would I lament and he lament for what was in my heart and his heart, each of us sure of his brother's lamenting, But because of the fickleness of Fate, and the influence of the reeling heavens, and the revolution of the vile wheel, and the variance of the chameleon world, colleges of study have been obliterated and seminaries of learning have vanished away; and the order of students has been trampled upon by events and crushed underfoot by treacherous Fate and deceitful Destiny; they have been seized by all the vicissitudes of toils and tribulations; and being subjected to dispersion and destruction they 5 I.e. the Persian dynasty of the Sassanians (229-652), who overthrew the Parthians and were themselves overthrown by the Arabs. 5 11691-58 11691 Ala Ad Din Ata Malik Juvaini - - THE HISTORY OF have been exposed to flashing swords; and they have hidden themselves behind the veil of the earth. All learning must now be sought beneath the earth, because all the learned are in the belly of the earth. But in former days when the necklace of the empire of learning and the claimants thereto were strung together on one string— When pleasure was fresh and youth propitious, and amongst the vicissitudes of fortune men had no eye for thee— the most learned in the world and the most excellent amongst the sons of Adam would direct their attention to the perpetuation of fair remembrance and the keeping alive of noble customs. For to the man of insight, who with the eye of reflection con-sidereth the end and conclusion of affairs, it is well known and fully established that the endurance of good fame is the occasion of eternal life, for memory of the hero is Us second life.6 And when a hero encounters death, it seems that but for eulogy he might never have been torn.7 [4] Therefore it was that sublime poets and eloquent writers, Arabic and Persian, would compile in verse and prose works concerning the kings of the age and the worthies of the era and would write books about them. But to-day the surface of the earth in general and the land of Khorasan in particular (which was the rising-place of felicities and charities, the location of desirable things and good works, the fount of learned men, the rendezvous of the accomplished, the spring-abode of the talented, the meadow of the wise, the thoroughfare of the proficient and the drinking-place of the ingenious—the pearl-raining words of the Prophet have a tradition on this subject: e Knowledge is a tree which hath its root in Mecca and leareth its fruit in Khorasan')— to-day, I say, the earth hath been divested of the adornment of the presence of those clad in the gown of science and those decked in the jewels of learning and letters; and they only are 6Mutanabbi (M.Q.). 7 Yazid al-Harlthl, a poet of the Hamasa. (M.Q.) 6 11691-59 11691 Ala Ad Din Ata Malik Juvaini - - THE WORLD-CONQUEROR left of whom indeed it can be said: f But others have come in their place after them who have made an end of prayer and have gone after their own lusts!* Those are departed under whose protection it was pleasant to life, and I am left amongst a posterity like the skin of a scatty man.* My father the sahib-divan Baha-ad-Din Muhammad K Muhammad al-Juvaini—may the lofty tree of excellence continue green in Us resting-place and the eyes of virtue continue to gaze upon him !— hath a qasida on this subject of which the following are the first two lines: Have pity on mef the traces of right and truth have been effaced and the foundation of nolle deeds is about to collapse. We have been plagued by successors who in their blindness used combs for their heels and towels for their combs. They regard lying and deception as exhortation and admonishment and all profligacy and slander bravery and courage. And many people regarded it as a trade but I was restrained therefrom by my religion and my office.^ They consider the Uighur language and script to be the height of knowledge and learning. Every market lounger in the garb of iniquity has become an emir; every hireling has become a minister, every knave a vizier and every unfortunate a secretary; every------n a mustaufi and every spendthrift [5] an inspector ; every rogue a deputy treasurer and every boor a minister of state; every stableboy the lord of dignity and honour and every carpet-spreader a person of consequence; every cruel man a competent man, every nobody a somebody, every churl a chief, every traitor a mighty lord and every valet a learned scholar; every camel-driver elegant from much riches and every porter in easy circumstances by reason of Fortune's aid. 8 Koran, xix, 60. 9 Labld b. Rabfa al-AmM. (M.Q.) 10 Ba'ith b. Huraith, one of the poets of the Hamasa. (M.Q.) 11 The text has mustadfi','one who warms himself*; perhaps something like * shivering wretch* is meant. 7 11691-60 11691 Ala Ad Din Ata Malik Juvaini - - THE HISTORY OF The pedigrees of people such as were handed down of yore cannot be compared with the pedigrees that have grown with the grass.1* The noble yielded themselves to chastisement and from sorrow and grief gave up their breasts to lamentation. The back of learning was utterly broken that day when these ignorant ones leant their backs upon the cushion. How much did we yearn to praise that age when we were engaged in blaming this present age!1S They consider the breaking of wind and the boxing of ears to proceed from the kindness of their nature, for ' God hath sealed up their harts '/4 and they deem vituperation and sottishness to be the consequences of a scatheless mind. In such an age, which is the famine year of generosity and chivalry and the market day of error and ignorance, the good are sorely tried and the wicked and evil firmly established; in the performance of noble deeds the virtuous are twisted in the snare of tribulation, while the vicious and foolish attain the riches they desire; the free are beggars and the liberal outcasts; the noble are portionless and the important of no account; the ingenious are exposed to danger, traditionists are the victims of calamities, the wise the prisoners of shackles and the perfect overtaken by disaster; the mighty are subservient to the base by compulsion and the discriminating are captive in the hands of the ignoble. / have seen the age which raises every base person and lowers every person of noble qualities; Like the sea which drowneth every pearl and on which carrion Jloateth ever; Or like the scales which lower everything of just measure and raise everything of light weight. From this it may be known what labours the wise and the talented must perform to ascend the highest and explore the lowest scales. And in accordance with the saying ( People are more like their age than their parents', in the flower of my youth, 12 'Amr b. al-Hudhail al-'Abdi, one of the poets of the Hamasa. (M.Q.) 13 From a qasida by Abul-'Ala al-Ma'arri. (M.Q.) 14 Koran, xvi, no. 8 11691-61 11691 Ala Ad Din Ata Malik Juvaini - - THE WORLD-CONQUEROR which should be the season for laying the foundations of virtues and accomplishments, I complied with the words of cay contemporaries and coevals, who were the brethren of devils [6] and before I was twenty years of age I was employed on the work of the Divan, and in the management of affairs and the transaction of business neglected the acquisition of knowledge and heeded not the advice of my father (may God lengthen his life and place a wall between him and misfortunes /), advice which is the jewel of the unadorned and the exemplar of the wise: My little son, strive to acquire knowledge, fasten to gather the fruits of thy desires. Hast thou not seen on the chessboard how a pawn, if it bestirs itself in its journeying*} becomes a queen ? Our illustrious ancestors have founded us lofty edifices of glory: If we strengthen them not with our labours, of a surety these edifices will collapse. However Well-wishers give advice but it is only the fortunate who take it. And now that discretion, which is the halter of the frenzy of young men, hath made its appearance, and advancement of years, which is the bridle of the impetuosity of youths, hath gained the upper hand, and things have reached such a pitch that Seven have been joined unto twenty of my years and discretion hath abstained from excess. it is idle to regret and lament the waste of the days of study just as it is profitless to bemoan and bewail the days of idleness. Alas that the years should have passed so suddenly and this life dear as my soul should have passed thirty! What pleasure is there now ? And if there be pleasure, a hundred goblets for a loaf when the wedding-feast is over! Nevertheless, as I have several times visited Transoxiana15 15 In Arabic Ma wara-an-nahr, lit. * what is beyond the river'. Transoxiana corresponded more or less to the later Russian Turkestan (excluding, of course, the territory west of the Oxus, the present-day Turkmenistan), i.e. the present-day Uzbekistan and South Kazakhstan with parts of Tajikistan and Kirghizia. 9 11691-62 11691 Ala Ad Din Ata Malik Juvaini - - THE HISTORY OF and Turkestan16 to the confines of Machin17 [7] and farthest China, which is the site of the throne of the kingdom and the abode of the race of Chingiz-Khan's18 posterity and the middle bead of the necklace of their empire, and have observed certain circumstances and have heard from certain creditable and trustworthy persons of bygone events; and as I saw no escape from complying with the suggestion of friends, which is a definite command, I could not refuse and held it necessary to carry out the behest of dear ones. I therefore reduced to writing all that was confirmed and verified and called the whole of these narrations Juvaini's History of the World-Conqueror.™ The land was emptied, and I was a leader without followers ; And it was part of my misery that I was alone in my leadership,20 It befitteth men of learning and beneficence—may the evil eye be far removed from the courtyard of their glory and may the edifices of nobleness and sublimity be constructed with their being !—that, by way of kindness, they cover the feebleness and deficiency of my language and style with the train of forgiveness and cancellation, since for ten years I have set my foot in foreign lands and have eschewed study; and the leaves of the sciences 16 By Turkestan, i.e. Turkistan, * the land of the Turks *, is meant the Turkish and Mongol territories to the east of Transoxiana. 17 Machin, i.e. Southern China, called also Manzl, the Manji of Marco Polo. 18 CNGZ XAN. The title assumed by the Mongol chieftain Temiijin. See below, p. 35. According to Ramstedt and Pelliot it means * Oceanic Khan *, i.e. * Universal Ruler *, chingiz being a palatalized form of the Turkish tmgiz (tangiz) * sea *. See Pelliot, Les Mongols et la Papauti [23]. Ibn-Battuta, as Pelliot points out (loc. cit., n. 9), actually uses the form Tengiz-Khan. The normal spelling of the name in English (Genghis Khan) and French (Gengis-Khan) appears to be due to the example set by Voltaire. See Gibbon, VII, 3, n. 4. It is based ultimately on the spelling of the name in the Arabic script. The Cyngis of Carpini and the Chingis of Rubruck represent the native Mongol pronunciation, viz. Chinggis. 19 This, and not simply The History of the World-Conqueror, appears to be the full title of the work. Otherwise it is difficult to understand why the author in the fath-nama he composed on the capture of Alamut (see below, ii. 631) should refer to * Juvtinfs History of the World-Conqueror', 20 From a poem in the Hamasa by an unknown author. (M.Q.) 10 11691-63 11691 Ala Ad Din Ata Malik Juvaini - - THE WORLD-CONQUEROR have become ' woven over by the spider * and the pictures thereof erased from the page of the mind— Like the writing writ upon the surface of the water; and that they lay not the finger of criticism upon the false steps, wherefrom no man remaineth exempt,f for every courser stumMeth \ If thou perceivest irregularity in my style, my calligraphy, my atility or my rhetoric, Question not my understanding: verily my dance is to the tune of the times. And if in the regions of excess and deficiency I have trodden the pathway of latitude, let them be pleased to consider the force of the verse, ' And when they pass by frivolous sport they pass on with dignity3;21 for the purpose of recounting these tales and declaring and delineating the shape of events compriseth two objects, viz. the achievement of spiritual and temporal advantage. As for the spiritual advantage, if a keen-sighted man of pure nature, who is fair and moderate, look not upon these matters with the eye of rancour and envy, which occasioneth [8] and causeth faults, and giveth rise to vices and defects, whereof the origin is baseness of mind and meanness of nature; and if he gaze not with the regard of complaisance and loyalty, which seeth misdemeanours in a fair light and holdeth sackcloth for brocade— The eye of contentment is Hind to every defect, lut the eye of anger giveth rise to faults------/ aa but if he consider these matters honestly and sincerely as one that taketh the middle course—' for the best of things is the middle thereof-Provided I am content to bear the burden of love and fa saved therefrom, I gain nothing and lose nothing— and if he reflect upon these discourses and compositions, which are announced in various styles [?]; then the veil of doubt and 21 Koran, xxv, 72. 22 One of the lines by 'Abdallah b. Mu'awiya b. 'Abdallah b. Ja'far b. Abu-Talib in which he reproaches his friend Husain b. 'Abdallah b. 'Ubaidallah b. Abbas. See the Kitab-al-Aghani, XI, 76. (M.Q.) II 11691-64 11691 Ala Ad Din Ata Malik Juvaini - - THE HISTORY OF suspicion and the covering of mistrust and uncertainty will be lifted from his sight, and it will not remain concealed and hidden from his mind and heart that whatever of good or evil, of weal or woe, appeareth in this world of growth and decay is dependent upon the decree of a powerful Sage and hingeth upon the will of an absolute Potentate, Whose deeds are the rule of wisdom and the prerequisite of excellence and justice; and when such events occur as the devastation of countries and the scattering of peoples through the adversity of the good and the triumph of the evil there are wise saws rolled up inside them, God Almighty bath said: f Haply ye love a thing though it le bad for you! 23 And Master Sana'i24 saith: Take either hope or fear, the Sage hath created nothing vain In the world whatever is gone and whatever is to come and whatever is must be so. And Badic of Hamadan 25 saith in one treatise: ' Oppose not God in His mil and pie not with Him in multitude in His own land; "for the earth is God's ; to such of His servants as He pleaseth doth He give it as a heritage"! 26 Whatever is secret is a sea into which no man has the knowledge or the wisdom to plunge: what people can fly over that horizon or what understanding or imagination can pass through that valley ? Whence am I 2 whence the word of the secret of the kingdom ? For none knotveth the Uftden save only Got. [9] Thy soul is ignorant of this secret, for thee there is no way through this curtain. But whatever can be reached through reason or tradition and is not remote from the imagination and understanding is limited 23 Koran, ii, 213. 24 The celebrated mystic poet who flourished in the first half of the twelfth century. 25 I.e. Badi*-az~Zarnan (fiooy), an Arabic writer and the creator of a new literary genre, the maqaw, a kind of picaresque tale in rhymed prose. 26 Koran, vii, 125. 12 11691-65 11691 Ala Ad Din Ata Malik Juvaini - - THE WORLD-CONQUEROR to two kinds: First, the manifestation of the miracle of the Prophecy, and secondly, theology. And can there be a greater miracle than that after six hundred odd years the fulfilment of the tradition: f The earth was allotted to me and I was shown the East and the West thereof; and the kingdom of my people shall reach what was allotted to me thereof3 should come to pass in the appearance of a strange army ?—for the abundance of the lights of the sunbeams seems no more strange than dampness from water or heat from fire, but every light that shineth because of the darkness is exceeding marvellous and wonderful. We did not die until through jugglery we saw the dawn at midnight. For this reason the Banner of Islam is raised higher and the candle of the Faith lit brighter; and the sun of the creed of Mohammed casts its shadow over countries whose nostrils had not been perfumed by the scent of Islam, whose ears had not been charmed by the sound of the takbir and the azan and whose soil had not been trodden save by the unclean feet of the worshippers of al-Lat and al-'Uzza;27 whereas to-day so many believers in the one God have bent their steps thitherwards and reached the farthest countries of the East, and settled, and made their homes there, that their numbers are beyond calculation or computation. Some are those who at the time of the conquest of Transoxiana and Khorasan28 were driven thither in the levy as craftsmen and keepers of animals; and many are those who —from the farthermost West, from the two Iraqs,29 from Syria and the other lands of Islam—have wandered in the way of trade and commerce, visiting every region and every city, acquiring fame and seeing strange sights, and have cast away the staff of travel in those regions and decided to abide there; and have settled down, and built mansions and castles, and reared the 27 The names of two goddesses worshipped by the ancient Arabs. 28 Khorasan was then much larger than the present-day province of northeastern Persia. Of its four great cities of Balkh, Merv, Herat and Nishapur (see below, p. 151) only the last is still in Persian territory. Merv (the modern Man) is in Turkmenistan and Balkh and Herat in Afghanistan. 29 I.e. Arab Iraq or Lower Mesopotamia and Persian 'Iraq or Central Persia. 13 11691-66 11691 Ala Ad Din Ata Malik Juvaini - - THE HISTORY OF cells of Islam over against the houses of idols, and established schools, where the learned teach and instruct and the acquirers of learning profit thereby: it is as though the tradition: ' Seek knowledge even in China' related to this age and to those who live in this present era. And as for the children of the polytheists, some have fallen into the hands of the Moslems in the baseness of servitude and have attained the dignity [10] of Islam, and others, when the ray of the lights of true guidance had influenced the stony heart of the quality of 'They are like rocks or harder still V*° have acquired the glory of the faith, as is the nature of the sunbeams, which appear in the rocks and through which lustrous jewels are made manifest. And because of the auspiciousness of the blessings of the people of the faith, wherever the eye roameth, it seeth from the multitude of believers in the One God a vast city and in the midst of the darkness a bright light; and it is believed by the ascetic order amongst the idolaters (whom in their own language they call toyiri) 31 that before the settlement of the Moslems and the performance of the takUr and the iqamat (may God maintain and perpetuate them /) the idols used to converse with them— ' the Satans will indeed suggest to their votaries (to wrangle with you)'32 —but because of the inauspiciousness of the coming of the Moslems they have grown angry with them and will not say a word—' God hath sealed up their mouths? And indeed so it must be, for * truth is come and falsehood is vanished: verily, falsehood is a thing that vanisheth \n Wherever the lights of the power of truth shine forth the darkness of infidelity and iniquity is dispersed and destroyed like the mist which resisteth not the elevation of the sun. When the dawn of the power of truth begins to blow, the divs begin to flee from every region. Man conies to a place where in every moment without difficulty the eye begins to see the beloved. 30 Koran, ii, 69. 31 I.e. Buddhist priests, the Tuini of Rubruck. The Turkish word toy fa is a borrowing from the Chinese too-fin, lit* * man of the Way'. 82 Koran, vi» 121. 33IM, xvii, 83. 14 11691-67 11691 Ala Ad Din Ata Malik Juvaini - - THE WORLD-CONQUEROR As for those who have attained to the degree of martyrdom, which after the dignity of Prophecy is the most excellent and perfect of degrees in the Court of Glory, by the flashing sabre of' the sword is the eraser of sins * they have been rendered heavy of scale and light of weight from the burden of the loads and the load of the burdens which they had acquired in a life of security and ease—f and repute not those slain in God's path to k dead; nay they are alive with their Lord'.** And the UooA which thou didst cause to flow in thyself was glorious, and the heart which thou didst frighten was thy panegyrist. And as for the survivors of those endued with insight they have received a warning and an admonishment. [n] As for the temporal advantage, it is that whoever peruses these discourses and traditions (which are free from the semblance of boasting and the suspicion of lying, for what room is there for untruth seeing that these tales are too clear and manifest for mortal man to make a mistake regarding them ?— Perchance until the day of judgement these words shall not grow old amongst the wise) and discovers therein the parables of the strength and might of the Mongol army and the agreement of Fate and Destiny with whatever they set their hands to, such a man, I say, will take for his pattern and exemplar the commandment of the Lord: ' And throw not yourselves with your own hands into ruin!35 It is the yasa and custom of the Mongols that whoever yields and submits to them is safe and free from the terror and disgrace of their severity. Moreover, they oppose no faith or religion—how can one speak of opposition ?—rather they encourage them; the proof of which assertion is the saying of Mohammed (upon whom h peace I): ' Verily, God shall assert this religion through a people that have no share of good fortune.3 They have exempted and dispensed the most learned of every religion from every kind &, Hi, 163, 85JW.f ii, 19*. 11691-68 11691 Ala Ad Din Ata Malik Juvaini - - THE HISTORY OF of occasional tax (*avarizaf) and from the inconvenience of contributions (mu'an); their pious foundations and bequests for the public use and their husbandmen and ploughmen have also been recognized as immune; and none may speak amiss of them, particularly the imams of the faith of Mohammed, and especially now in the reign of the Emperor Mengii Qa'an, when there are several princes of the family (urugh) of Chingiz-Khan, his children and grandchildren, in whom the dignity of Islam hath been joined to worldly power; and so many of their followers and adherents, their horsemen and servants have been decorated and adorned with the jewel of the glory of the faith that their numbers are beyond calculation or computation. In view of the foregoing it is necessary on the grounds of reason, now that the Piebald Horse of the Days36 is tame between the thighs of their command, that men should comply with the commandment of the Lord : e And if they lean to peace, lean thou also to it;'37 and should yield and submit; and desist from rebellion and fiowardness in accordance with the words of the Lord of the Shari'at: c Let the Turks he as long as they let you he, for they are endued with terrible prowess; * and place their lives and property in the stronghold of immunity and the asylum of security—'for [12] God guideth whom He pleaseth into the straight path!38 Since in every age and century men have been prevented by the petulance of wealth, the pride of riches and the arrogance of prosperity from carrying out the commandments of God (glorious is His power and exalted His word I) and have been impelled and instigated thereby to set their hands to sin—' verily, man is insolent hecause he seeth himself possessed of riches *39—therefore for the admonishment and chastisement of every people a punishment hath been meted out fitting to their rebellion and in proportion to their infidelity, and as a warning to those endued with insight a calamity or castigation hath overtaken them in accordance with their sins and misdemeanours. Thus, in the age of Noah (upon whom he peace /) there was a general deluge; in the age 361.c. the World. 37 Koran, viii, 63. ii, 209. 89 Mil, xcvi, 6-7, 16 11691-69 11691 Ala Ad Din Ata Malik Juvaini - - THE WORLD-CONQUEROR of Thamud,40 the punishment of the people of *Ad; and in the same way every nation hath undergone punishments such as metamorphoses, plagues of noxious creatures and the like, as hath been recorded in the Qisas.*1 And when the time caoie for the reign of the Seal of the Prophets (for whom let there be offered up the most excellent of devout prayers!}, he besought the Lord of Majesty and Glory to grant that all the different punishments and calamities which He had sent to every nation on account of their disobedience might be remitted in the case of his own nation—and this honour hath been for his nation the source of their other excellencies—but not as regards the punishment of the sword, concerning which his prayer attained not the manifestation of acceptance and hit not the target of admission. The learned Jarallah42 in his commentary, the Kashshafj when he comes to the following verse in the sura of the Cattle: ' Say : It is He who hath power to send on you a punishment from dove you'43 quotes these words of the Prophet of God (God Mess him and give him peace /) ; * I asked God not to send upon my nation a punishment from above them, or from beneath their feet. And He granted it unto me. And I asked Him not to put their bane amongst them, and He prevented me. And Gabriel told me that the destruction of my nation would be by the sword.' And from the point of view of reason it is necessary and essential that if the threat of the sword, which is the immediate menace, were to remain in abeyance and men were content with that which is promised in the next world everything would be confused; the common people, whose feet are bound with f What is restrained by authority \u would have their hands freed; the nobles would remain in the corner of calamity and the nook of tribulation; 40 This is apparently a mistake for Hud, the name of a prophet who was sent to warn the Arabian people of 'Ad. (Koran, Ixxxvii, 63.) Thamud was the name of another people to whom a prophet called Salih was sent, (llid,, 71.) 41 I.e. the Qisas-al-Anliya or Tale? of the Prophets of Thalabi. 42 I.e. Zamakhshari, whose work, the Kashshaf, is one of the best known commentaries on the Koran. 48 Koran, vi, 65. 44 A reference to the well known hadith : c Those who are restrained by authority are more than those who are restrained by the Koran.1 (M.Q.) 17 11691-70 11691 Ala Ad Din Ata Malik Juvaini - - THE HISTORY OF and some of the advantages of 'And we have sent down iron, wherein resideth dire ml, as well as advantage, to men'45 would be rendered null and void, for without this instrument the gates of justice [13] and equity, which have been opened and flung wide by 'And we have sent down the book and the balance V5 would be bolted and barred and the order of men's affairs would of a sudden be deranged. And from this it is clear, and the darkness of doubt arises, that whatever was predestined in the beginning of time is for the benefit of the servants of God (glorious is His power and universal His dominion /). And when a period of six hundred odd years had passed since the mission of His Prophet to all creation an abundance of wealth and a superfluity of desires were the cause of rebellion and estrangement: 'verily, God will not change His gifts to men, till they change what is in themselves*46 And it is stated without ambiguity in His glorious Word: fAnd thy Lord was not one who would destroy the cities when the inhabitants were righteous?*'7 The whisperings of Satan drove them far from the path of rectitude and the highway of righteousness. Infidelity came and religion was borne off by the whispering of Satan; love came and reason was borne off by the coquetry of the beloved. O thou who art Ignorant of the latter end, show justice: can one spend one's life In a way more wretched than this ? f Except those who believe and do the things that are good and right ; and few indeed are they ',48 And how many crimes have "been committed ly fools and the punishment has fallen on the innocent! 49 To complain of fate is useless; whatever befalleth us is our own doing. It was the will of God (holy are His names /) that these people should be roused from the slumber of neglect—e Men are asleep, and when they die they wake'—and recover from the drunkenness 45 Koran, Ivii, 25. 46 Hid,, xiii, 12. *7 Ibid., xi, 119. 48JiE, xxxviii, 23. 49Mutanabbi. (M.Q.) 18 11691-71 11691 Ala Ad Din Ata Malik Juvaini - - THE WORLD-CONQUEROR of ignorance and so be a warning to their posterity and children; and that the miracle of the faith of Mohammed should come to pass as the culmination thereof, something of which has been mentioned in the foregoing; and that He should prepare a certain person, and make his nature the receptacle of all manner of power, and daring, and ruthlessness, and vengeance, and then by means of praiseworthy qualities and laudable properties bring it into a position of equilibrium; just as a skilful healer in dispelling base diseases maketh use of scammony in his purgatives and then seeth fit to apply correctives, so that the constitution be not wholly turned aside from its original state and utterly changed, and dispelleth the humours in accordance with nature; and the Greatest Physician is well aware of the temperaments and constitutions of His servants and [14] understandeth the use of drugs, which He administereth according to the time and in agreement with nature. ' Verify, God knoweth and understandeth.'50 OF THE CONDITION OF THE MONGOLS BEFORE THE TIME OF CHINGIZ-KHAN*S RISE TO POWER WHEN the phoenix (huma) * of prosperity wishes to make the roof of one man its abode, and the owl of misfortune to haunt the threshold of another, though their stations be widely different, the one in the zenith of good fortune and the other in the nadir of abasement, yet neither scarcity of equipment nor feebleness of condition prevents the fortunate man from attaining his goal— Whoever hath been prepared for Fortune, though he seek her not, Fortune seeketh him— and neither abundance of gear nor excess of accoutrement can save the unfortunate one from losing even that which he hath. 50 Koran, xxxv, 28. 1 The huma, a bird of good omen, is actually the Lammergeyer. 2 Ascribed by 'Aufi in his Jawamr-al-Hikayat to a secretary in the service of Malik-Shah called Muzaffar Khamaj. (M.Q.) E 19 11691-72 11691 Ala Ad Din Ata Malik Juvaini - - THE HISTORY OF 'Exertion unaided by fortune is illusive.* Nor may the counsel of man lay the hand of protection upon his brow; but ' when he prospered he prospereth, and when he faileth, he faileth \ For if craft, and might, and wealth, and affluence could accomplish aught, then would power and empire never have passed from the houses of former kings to another; but when the time of the decline of their fortunes was arrived, neither craft, nor perseverance nor counsel could aid them; and neither the multitude of their troops nor the strength of their resistance was of any avail. And of this there is still clearer proof and plainer evidence in the instance of the Mongol people, when one considers in what circumstances and position they found themselves before they beat the drum of the greatness of Chingiz-Khan and his posterity, and how to-day the waters of prosperity flow in the rivers of their desire and the army of affliction and sorrow has fallen upon the stations and relays of opponents and insurgents, which same were mighty Chosroes and illustrious kings; and in what manner Fate has shown herself land to that people, and how the world was stirred up by them, [15] prisoners becoming princes and princes prisoners. 'And that was easy unto God.33 Upon the bead of a dan a crown of honour that adometh Inn, and on the foot of a freeman a chain of shame that dtsfigmth him. The home of the Tartars,4 and their origin and birthplace, is an immense valley, whose area is a journey of seven or eight months both in length and breadth. In the east it marches 8 Koran, iv, 34 and 167; and xxxiii, 19 and 20. 4 In Persian Tatar. This term in Juvaini (as the Arabic equivalent Tatar in Ibn-al-Athir and Nasawi) always refers to the Mongols in general and never to the original Tatar, a tribe to the south-east of the Mongols proper. This comprehensive use of the name Tatar was due to the importance assumed by that people in the I2th century. See Viadimirtsov, Gtngis-Khan, 10-11. In Europe the word was associated with Tartarus or Tartara and Matthew of Paris (Rockhill, xv) tells how * the countless army of the Tartars . . . poured forth like devils from the Tartarus, so that they are rightly called Tartari or Tartarians, 'whilst the Emperor Frederick II in a letter to Henry III of Engknd QMJ.f xk) expresses the hope that * the Tartars will be driven finally down into their Tartarus/ 20 11691-73 11691 Ala Ad Din Ata Malik Juvaini - - THE WORLD-CONQUEROR with the land of Khitai,5 in the west with the country of the Uighur,6 in the north with the Qirqiz 7 and the river Selengei8 and in the south with the Tangut9 and the Tibetans. Before the appearance of Chingiz-Khan they had no chief or ruler. Each tribe or two tribes lived separately; they were not united with one another, and there was constant fighting and hostility between them. Some of them regarded robbery and violence, immorality and debauchery (foq va fujur) as deeds of manliness and excellence. The Khan of Khitai used to demand and seize goods from them. Their clothing was of the skins of dogs and mice, and their food was the flesh of those animals and other dead things; their wine was mares' milk and their dessert the fruit of a tree shaped like the pine, which they call qusuq10 and besides which no other fruit-bearing tree will grow 5 Marco Polo's Cathay, i.e. Northern China. 6 At an earlier period the Uighur Turks had ruled in Mongolia itself but they had then been expelled by the Kirghiz and had settled in the various oases to the north of the Tarim. See Grousset, L? Empire des Steppes, 172-8. 7 I.e. the Kirghiz Turks, who at that time inhabited the region of the Upper Yenisei. 8 SLNKAY. The Selenga. 9 The Tangut were a people of Tibetan origin who had founded a kingdom in North-Western China. On their destruction by Chingiz-Khan see Grousset, Le Conqutrant du Monde, 233-6. 10 QSWQ, which I take to be identical with the qusuti of Kashghari. Kash-ghari's Arabic equivalent is jillauz, which is translated by Brockelmann and Atalay as * hazelnut': in actual fact, as was pointed out to me by Professor Henning in a letter dated the I4th October, 1954, it is simply the Arabicized form of the Persian cbilghuza ' pignon', * fruit of the edible pine'. The qusuq tree is referred to again in Chapter VII, p. 55, where it is described as * a tree shaped like a pine whose leaves in winter resemble those of a cypress and whose fruit is like a pignon (chilgbuza) both in shape and taste'. It is in fact, as was already suggested by Marquart, Quwayms Bericht Ufa? die Bekebmng der Uigburen, 490, the Siberian Cedar (Pirns cembra). According to Loudon, Arboretum et Fmticetum Britannicum, IV, 2274 et se$*>tnere are two varieties of this tree, sibirica, * a lofty tree not found beyond the Lena', and pygmaea, which ' covers rocky mom-tains, wbich are so barren that herbage of no kind will grow on them'. Dr. W. O. Howarth, of the Department of Botany in the University of Manchester, to whom I am indebted for the above reference, suggested in a letter dated the 17th February, 1954, that the second variety is simply a form of the first * dwarfed by the conditions under which it grows *. As for the pignons, they are to-day a favourite delicacy of the Russians. Turner, Siberia, 89-90, gives an amusing account of the vast consumption of these nuts on the Trans-Siberian Railway 21 11691-74 11691 Ala Ad Din Ata Malik Juvaini - - THE HISTORY OF In that region: it grows [even] on some of the mountains, where, on account of the excessive cold, there is nothing else to be found. The sign of a great emir amongst them was that his stirrups were of iron; from which one can form a picture of their other luxuries. And they continued in this indigence, privation and misfortune until the banner of Chingiz-Khan's fortune was raised and they issued forth from the straits of hardship into the amplitude of well-being, from a prison into a garden, from the desert of poverty into a palace of delight and from abiding torment into reposeful pleasances; their raiment being of silk and brocade, their food and fruit ' The flesh of birds of the kind which they shall desire, and fruits of the sort which they shall choose \11 and their drink ' (pure wine) sealed; the seal whereof shall be musk *.12 And so it has come to pass that the present world is the paradise of that people; for all the merchandise that is brought from the West is borne unto them, and that which is bound in the farthest East is untied in their houses; wallets and purses are filled from their treasuries, and their everyday garments are studded with jewels and embroidered with gold; and in the markets of their residences gems and fabrics have been so much cheapened [16] that were the former taken back to the mine or quarry they would sell there for more than double the price, while to take fabrics thither is as to bear a present of carraway-seeds to Kerman or an offering of water to Oman.13 Moreover, everyone of them has laid out fields and everywhere appointed husbandmen; their victuals, too, are abundant, and their beverages flow like the River Oxus. and goes on to say that they * are obtained in the northern parts of the Governments of Tomsk and Mariinsk, and in the mountainous localities of the Kuznetsk districts, Tomsk being the principal market for their sale. From five to six thousand tons are collected in a good season, the nuts being sold wholesale at IQS. to 15*. a cwt. The harvest in the forest begins about the loth of August and ends about the middle of September. The cones are obtained by climbing, or by shaking the trees, while, in remote spots, huge trees, centuries old, are ruthlessly felled by greedy collectors. One family will gather as much as 10 cwt. of nuts in one day during the season.' Turner is of course describing conditions at the turn of the century. 11 Koran, Ivi, 21 and 20 (in that order). 12 Koran, Ixxxiii, 5 and 6. 13 I.e. coals to Newcastle. 22 11691-75 11691 Ala Ad Din Ata Malik Juvaini - - THE WORLD-CONQUEROR Through the splendour of the daily increasing fortune and under the shadow of the august majesty of Chingiz-Khan and his descendants the circumstances of the Mongols have risen from such penury and indigence to such abundance and affluence. And as for the other tribes their affairs also have been well ordered and their destiny firmly established. And whoever could not [previously] afford to make himself a cotton bed will trade with them for fifty thousand or thirty thousand gold or silver lalish 14 at a time. Now the balisb is worth fifty misqds of gold or silver, round about seventy-five nikni15 dinars, the standard of which is two thirds. May God Almighty grant his posterity, and in particular Mengii Qa'an, who is a most wise and just monarch, countless years in the pursuit of a prosperous life ; may He uphold his clemency towards mankind ! OF THE LAWS WHICH CHINGIZ-KHAN FRAMED AND THE YASAS WHICH HE PROMULGATED AFTER HIS RISE TO POWER1 GOD Almighty in wisdom and intelligence distinguished Chingiz-Khan from all his coevals and in alertness of mind and absoluteness of power exalted him above all the kings of the world ; so that all that has been recorded touching the practice of the mighty Chosroes of old and all that has been written concerning the customs and usages of the Pharaohs and Caesars was by Chingiz-Khan invented from the page of his own mind 14 An ingot of gold or silver. It is the iascot of Rubruck, which, as Pelliot has shown, Horde fOrf 8, TP, 1930, 190-2, and 1936, 80, is a misreading o£*iastoc, i.e. yttstuq, the Turkish name for these ingots, yastuq, like the Persian balisb, means literally 'cushion*. An iascot according to Rubruck (Rockhill, 156) was f a piece of silver weighing ten marks * ; he does not seem to have known of the gold Mish, 15 I.e. struck by some ruler called Rukn-ad-Din. 1 This chapter has been translated into Russian by Professor Minorsky. See G. Vernadsky, O so stave velikoy yast Chingts khana, Brussels, 1939. There is also an English translation by Professor Vernadsky mAnnales de Vlnstitut KonAdkov, 1939, ad, 37~45- 11691-76 11691 Ala Ad Din Ata Malik Juvaini - - THE HISTORY OF without the toil of perusing records or the trouble of conforming with tradition; while all that pertains to the method of subjugating countries and relates to the crushing of the power of enemies and the raising of the station of followers was the product of his own understanding and the compilation of his own intellect. And indeed, Alexander, who was so addicted to the devising of talismans and the solving of enigmas, had he lived in the age of Chingiz-Khan, would have been his pupil in craft and cunning, and of [17] all the talismans for the taking of strongholds he would have found none better than blindly to follow in his footsteps: whereof there can be no clearer proof nor more certain evidence than that having such numerous and powerful foes and such mighty and well-accoutred enemies, whereof each was the faghfur2 of the time and the Chosroes of the age, he sallied forth, a single man, with few troops and no accoutrement, and reduced and subjugated the lords of the horizons from the East unto the West; and whoever presumed to oppose and resist him, that man, in enforcement of the yasas and ordinances which he imposed, he utterly destroyed, together with all his followers, children, partisans, armies, lands and territories. There has been transmitted to us a tradition of the traditions of God which says: * Those are my horsemen; through them shall I avenge me on those that rebelled against me' nor is there a shadow of doubt but that these words are a reference to the horsemen of Chingiz-Khan and to his people. And so it was that when the world by reason of the variety of its creatures was become a raging sea, and the kings and nobles of every country by reason of the arrogance of pride and the insolence of vainglory had reached the very zenith of' Vainglory is my tunic, and pride my cloak', then did God, in accordance with the above-mentioned promise, endow Chingiz-Khan with the strength of might and the victory of dominion—' Verity, the might of the Lord is great indeed ';3 and when through pride of wealth, and power, and station the greater part of the cities and countries of the world 2 The Facfur of Marco Polo, the Persian transktion (lit. * son of God') of one of the titles of the Emperor of China. 3 Koran, Ixx, 12. 24 11691-77 11691 Ala Ad Din Ata Malik Juvaini - - THE WORLD-CONQUEROR encountered him with rebellion and hatred and refused to yield allegiance (and especially the countries of Islam* from the frontiers of Turkestan to uttermost Syria), then wherever there was a king, or a ruler, or the governor of a city that offered him resistance, him he annihilated together with his family and followers, kinsmen and strangers; so that where there had been a hundred thousand people there remained, without exaggeration, not a hundred souls alive; as a proof of which statement may be cited the fate of the various cities, whereof mention has been made in the proper place. In accordance and agreement with his own mind he established a rule for every occasion and a regulation for every circumstance; while for every crime he fixed a penalty. And since the Tartar peoples had no script of their own, he gave orders that Mongol children should learn writing from the Uighur; and that these yasas and ordinances should be written down on rolls. These rolls are called the Great Book of Yasas and are kept in the treasury of the chief princes. Wherever a khan [18] ascends the throne, or a great army is mobilized, or the princes assemble and begin [to consult together] concerning affairs of state and the administration thereof they produce these rolls and model their actions thereon; and proceed with the disposition of armies or the destruction of provinces and cities in the manner therein prescribed. At the time of the first beginnings of his dominion, when the Mongol tribes were united to him, he abolished reprehensible customs which had been practised by those peoples and had enjoyed recognition amongst them; and established such usages as were praiseworthy from the point of view of reason. There are many of these ordinances that are in conformity with the Shari'at. In the messages which he sent in all directions calling on the peoples to yield him allegiance, he never had recourse to intimidation or violent threats, as was the custom with the tyrant kings of old, who used to menace their enemies with the size of their territory and the magnitude of their equipment and supplies; the Mongols, on the contrary, as their uttermost warning, would write thus: * If ye submit not, nor surrender, what know we 11691-78 11691 Ala Ad Din Ata Malik Juvaini - - THE HISTORY OF thereof? The Ancient God, He knoweth/4 If one reflects upon their signification, [one sees that] these are the words of them that put their trust in God— God Almighty hath said f And for him tbatputteib his trust in Him God mil fa all-sufficient3 5 —so that of necessity such a one obtains whatever he has borne in his heart and yearned after, and attains his every wish. Being the adherent of no religion and the follower of no creed, he eschewed bigotry, and the preference of one faith to another, and the placing of some above others; rather he honoured and respected the learned and pious of every sect, recognizing such conduct as the way to the Court of God. And as he viewed the Moslems with the eye of respect, so also did he hold the Christians and idolaters in high esteem. As for his children and grandchildren, several of them have chosen a religion according to their inclination, some adopting Islam, others embracing Christianity, others selecting idolatry and others again cleaving to the ancient canon of their fathers and forefathers and inclining in no direction; but these are now a minority. But though they have adopted some religion they still for the most part avoid all show of fanaticism and do not swerve from the yasa of Chingiz-Khan, namely, to consider all sects as one and not to distinguish them from [19] one another. It is one of their laudable customs that they have closed the doors of ceremony, and preoccupation with titles, and excessive aloofness and inaccessibility; which things are customary with the fortunate and the mighty. When one of them ascends the throne of the Khanate, he receives one additional name, that of Khan or Qa'an, than which nothing more is written [in official documents] ; while the other sons6 and his brothers are addressed 4 Cf. the ending of Giiyuk's letter to Innocent IV; va agav dtgar kunad \kunif\ ma cbi damm khudai danad. * And if ye do otherwise, what know we ? God knoweth.* (Pelliot, Les Mongols et k Papaute [i<5].) Cf. too the letter of Baichu to the Pope: c. . . et si tu preceptum Dei stabile et illius qui faciem totius terre continet non audieris illud nos nescimus Deus scit.* (Itift., [128]), 5 Koran, Ixv, 3. 6 Lc. prince*. For this use of the Persian piwr, lit. * son *, like the Turkish ogbul and the Mongol kote'un, in the sense of* prince of the blood' see M.Q., II, ix, also Pelliot, op. dt.t [168]. 26 11691-79 11691 Ala Ad Din Ata Malik Juvaini - - THE WORLD-CONQUEROR by the name they were given at birth, both in their presence and in their absence; and this applies both to commoners and to the nobility. And likewise in directing their correspondence they write only the simple name, making no difference between Sultan and commoner; and write only the gist of the matter in hand, avoiding all superfluous titles and formulas. He paid great attention to the chase and used to say that the hunting of wild beasts was a proper occupation for the commanders of armies; and that instruction and training therein was incumbent on warriors and men-at-arms, [who should learn] how the huntsmen come up with the quarry, how they hunt it, in what manner they array themselves and after what fashion they surround it according as the party is great or small. For when the Mongols wish to go a-hunting, they first send out scouts to ascertain what kinds of game are available and whether it is scarce or abundant. And when they are not engaged in warfare, they are ever eager for the chase and encourage their armies thus to occupy themselves; not for the sake of the game alone, but also in order that they may become accustomed and inured to hunting and familiarized with the handling of the bow and the endurance of hardships. Whenever the Khan sets out on the great hunt7 (which takes place at the beginning of the winter season), he issues orders that the troops stationed around his headquarters and in the neighbourhood of the or&us shall make preparations for the chase, mounting several men from each company often in accordance with instructions and distributing such equipment in the way of arms and other matters as are suitable for the locality where it is desired to hunt. The right wing, left wing and centre of the army are drawn up and entrusted to the great emirs; and they set out together with the Royal Ladies (khavatin) and the concubines, as well as provisions of food and drink. For a month, or two, or three they form a 7Rubruck speaks of these lattues: * When they want to chase wild animals, they gather together in a great multitude and surround the district in which they know the game to be, and gradually they come closer to each other till they have shut up the game in among them as in an enclosure, and then they shoot them with their arrows.* (Rockhill, 71.) Cf. also Friar Odoric's account of * the Khan's great hunting matches', Yule, Cathay and the Way Thither, II, 234-6. 27 11691-80 11691 Ala Ad Din Ata Malik Juvaini - - THE HISTORY OF hunting ring and drive the game slowly and gradually before them, taking care [20] lest any escape from the ring. And if, unexpectedly, any game should break through, a minute inquiry is made into the cause and reason, and the commanders of thousands, hundreds and tens are clubbed therefor, and often even put to death. And if (for example) a man does not keep to the line (which they call nerge) but takes a step forwards or backwards, severe punishment is dealt out to him and is never remitted. For two or three months, by day and by night, they drive the game in this manner, like a flock of sheep, and dispatch messages to the Khan to inform him of the condition of the quarry, its scarcity or plenty, whither it has come and from whence it has been started. Finally, when the ring has been contracted to a diameter of two or three parasangs, they bind ropes together and cast felts over them; while the troops come to a halt all around the ring, standing shoulder to shoulder. The ring is now filled with the cries and commotion of every manner of game and the roaring and tumult of every kind of ferocious beast; all thinking that the appointed hour of' And when the mid leasts shall le gathered together *8 is come; lions becoming familiar with wild asses, hyaenas friendly with foxes, wolves intimate with hares. When the ring has been so much contracted that the wild beasts are unable to stir, first the Khan rides in together with some of his retinue; then, after he has wearied of the sport, they dismount upon high ground in the centre of the nerge to watch the princes likewise entering the ring, and after them, in due order, the noyans, the commanders and the troops. Several days pass in this manner; then, when nothing is left of the game but a few wounded and emaciated stragglers, old men and greybeards humbly approach the Khan, offer up prayers for his well-being and intercede for the lives of the remaining animals asking that they be suffered to depart to some place nearer to grass and water. Thereupon they collect together all the game that they have bagged; and if the enumeration of every species of animal proves impracticable they count only the beasts of prey and the wild asses. 8 Koran, Ixxxi, 5. 28 11691-81 11691 Ala Ad Din Ata Malik Juvaini - - THE WORLD-CONQUEROR [21] A friend has related how during the reign of Qa*ang they were hunting one winter in this fashion and Qa*an, in order to view the scene, had seated himself upon a hilltop; whereupon beasts of every kind set their faces towards his throne and from the foot of the hill set up a wailing and lamentation like that of petitioners for justice. Qa'an commanded that they should be set free and the hand of injury withheld from them. It was Qa'an that commanded that between the land of Khitai and his winter quarters a wall should be built of wood and clay, and gates set into it; so that much game might enter it from a great distance and they might hunt it after the manner described. In the region of Almaligh 10 and Quyas u Chaghatai constructed a hunting ground in the very same manner. Now war—with its killing, counting of the slain and sparing of the survivors—is after the same fashion, and indeed analogous in every detail, because all that is left in the neighbourhood of the battlefield are a few broken-down wretches. With regard to the organization of their army, from the time of Adam down to the present day, when the greater part of the climes are at the disposition and command of the seed of Chingiz-Khan, it can be read in no history and is recorded in no book that any of the kings that were lords of the nations ever attained an army like the army of the Tartars, so patient of hardship, so 9 I.e. Ogedei (Ogetei), the second son and first successor of Chingiz-Khan. See my article, On the Titles Given in Jwatm to Certain Mongolian Princes, 152, where I suggest that Qa'an was the posthumous title of Ogedei. 10 Almaligh or Almaliq, the * Apple-Orchard *, was situated in Semirechye, in the valley of the Ili, not far from the present-day Kulja. It was here, * in the Vicariat of Cathay or Tartary, in the city of Armalec in the Middle Empire of Tartary', in 1339 or 1340 that the Franciscan martyrs met their end. See Yule, op. dt.9 III, 31-2, also Wyngaert, 510-11. 11 Reading QYAS and QWYAS for the QNAS and QWNAS of the text. There is also MS. authority for the spelling Quyash, but Kashghari distinguishes between Quyas the township (gasabci) and quyasb * sun *. Quyas, according to Kashghari, lay beyond Barskhan (I, 393) and two rivers, the Greater and the Lesser Keiken, flowed from it to the Ili (III, 175). Pelliot, Horde d'Or, 185, n. 2, suggests its possible identity with the Equius of Rubruck,e a goodly town ... in which were Saracens speaking Persian' (Rockhill, 139), in which Barthold, Histoire des Turcs. 76, and Minorsky, Hudud, 277, see the Iki-Ogiiz of Kashghari. 29 11691-82 11691 Ala Ad Din Ata Malik Juvaini - - THE HISTORY OF grateful for comforts, so obedient to its commanders both in prosperity and adversity; and this not in hope of wages and fiefs nor in expectation of income or promotion. This is, indeed, the best way to [22] organize an army; for lions, so long as they are not hungry, will not hunt or attack any animal. There is a Persian proverb: * An overfed dog catches no game *, and it has also been said: f Starve thy dog that it may follow the! What army in the whole world can equal the Mongol army ? In time of action, when attacking and assaulting, they are like trained wild beasts out after game, and in the days of peace and security they are like sheep, yielding milk, and wool, and many other useful things. In misfortune and adversity they are free from dissension and opposition. It is an army after the fashion of a peasantry, being liable to all manner of contributions (muan) and rendering without complaint whatever is enjoined upon it, whether qupchurj12 occasional taxes favarizat), the maintenance (ikhmjat) of travellers or the upkeep of post stations (yam) 13 with the provision of mounts (ulagh) 14 and food (*ulufat) therefor. It is also a peasantry in the guise of an army, all of them, great and small, noble and base, in time of battle becoming swordsmen, archers and lancers and advancing in whatever manner the occasion requires. Whenever the slaying of foes and the attacking of rebels is purposed, they specify all that will be of service for that business, from the various arms and implements down to banners, needles, ropes, mounts and pack animals such as donkeys and camels; and every man must provide his share according to his ten or hundred. On the day of review, also, they display their equipment, and if only a little be missing, those responsible are severely punished. Even when they are actually engage 11691-83 11691 Ala Ad Din Ata Malik Juvaini - - THE WORLD-CONQUEROR them that remain behind. Thus if work be afoot in which a man has his share of forced labour (Ug 11691-84 11691 Ala Ad Din Ata Malik Juvaini - - THE HISTORY OF an army under his command and he attains to wealth and power; then they cannot displace him, and more often than not he actually rises in rebellion and insurrection ! Whenever these kings prepare to attack an enemy or are themselves attacked by an enemy, months and years are required to equip an army and it takes a brimful treasury to meet the expense of salaries and allotments of land. When they draw their pay and allowances the soldiers5 numbers increase by hundreds and thousands, but on the day of combat their ranks are everywhere vague and uncertain, and none presents himself on the battle-field.18 A shepherd was once called to render an account of his office. Said the accountant: * How many sheep remain ? ' * Where ? * asked the shepherd. c In the register.' * That,* replied the shepherd [24], * is why I asked: there are none in the flock/ This is a parable to be applied to their armies; wherein each commander, in order to increase the appropriation for his men's pay, declares, * I have so and so many men,' and at the time of inspection they impersonate one another in order to make up their full strength. Another yasa is that no man may depart to another unit than the hundred, thousand or ten to which he has been assigned, nor may he seek refuge elsewhere. And if this order be transgressed the man who transferred is executed in the presence of the troops, while he that received him is severely punished. For this reason no man can give refuge to another; if (for example) the commander be a prince, he does not permit the meanest person to take refuge in his company and so avoids a breach of the yasa. Therefore no man can take liberties with his commander or leader, nor can another commander entice him away. 18 Lit.: *. . . their ranks are hash from beginning to end, and none becomes bariz on the battle-field/ hctshv and bariz were terms of accountancy, the former referring to items in kind entered in the right-hand (i.e. the first) column of the ledger whilst the latter referred to the final cash entries in the left-hand column. The point seems to be that-the value of the hasbv entry, as opposed to the iartz, was liable to fluctuation and perhaps to very considerable depreciation by the time it was finally converted into cash and so became lariz. On these two terms see 'Abdallah b. Muhammad b. Kiya, Die R.esala-ye Fakkiyya, 28, also Hinz, Em orientalhches Hawlelsmtemehmen im 15. Jahrbundert, 315. 11691-85 11691 Ala Ad Din Ata Malik Juvaini - - THE WORLD-CONQUEROR Furthermore, when moonlike damsels are found In the army they are gathered together and dispatched from the tens to the hundreds, and each man makes a different choice op to the commander of the tumen, who makes his choice also and takes the maidens so chosen to the Khan or the princes. These too make their selection, and upon those that are deemed worthy and are fair to look upon they recite the words ' Keep them konouf" tf%/19 and upon the other, ''Put them away with kindness!19 And they cause them to attend on the Royal Ladies until such time as it pleases them to bestow them on others or to He with them themselves.20 Again, when the extent of their territories became broad and vast and important events fell out, it became essential to ascertain the activities of their enemies, and it was also necessary to transport goods from the West to the East and from the Far East to the West. Therefore throughout the length and breadth of the land they established jams, and made arrangements for the upkeep and expenses of each yam, assigning thereto a fixed number of men and beasts as well as food, drink and other necessities. All this they shared out amongst the tiitnen, each two tiitnen having to supply one yam. Thus, in accordance with the census, they so distribute and exact the charge, that messengers need make no long detour in order to obtain fresh mounts while at the same time the peasantry [25] and the army are not placed in constant inconvenience. Moreover strict orders were issued to the messengers with regard to the sparing of the mounts, etc., to recount all of which would delay us too long. Every year the yams are inspected, and whatever is missing or lost has to be replaced by the peasantry.21 Since all countries and peoples have come under their domination, they have established a census after their accustomed fashion 19 Koran, ii, 229. 20 For an account of the practice under Qubilai see Benedetto, 114-16. Cf. also Carpini ed. Beazley, 121: *... yea, often times he [i.e. the Emperor] makes a collection of virgines throughout all the Tartars dominions, and those whom he meanes to keepe, he retaineth vnto himselfe, others he bestoweth vpon his men.' 21 For an account of the working of this system in China see Benedetto, 152-7, 33 11691-86 11691 Ala Ad Din Ata Malik Juvaini - - THE HISTORY OF and classified everyone into tens, hundreds and thousands; and required military service and the equipment of yams together with the expenses entailed and the provision of fodder—this in addition to ordinary taxes; and over and above all this they have fixed the qupcbur charges also. They have a custom that if an official or a peasant die, they do not interfere with the estate he leaves, be it much or little, nor may anyone else tamper with it. And if he have no heir, it is given to his apprentice or his slave. On no account is the property of a dead man admitted to the treasury, for they regard such a procedure as inauspicious. When Hiilegu22 appointed me to [the governorship of] Baghdad, the inheritance taxes were in force in all that region; I swept away that system and abolished the imposts that had been levied in the countries of Tustar23 and Bayat.24 There are many other yasas, to record each of which would delay us too long; we have therefore limited ourselves to the mention of the above. [in] CHINGIZ-KHAN'S RISE TO POWER AND THE BEGINNING OF THE PASSING TO HIM OF THE EMPIRES AND KINGDOMS OF THE ICINGS OF THE WORLD : A BRIEF l ACCOUNT THEREOF THE tribes and clans of the Mongols are many; but that which to-day is most renowned for its nobility and greatness and has 22HWLAKW. Juvaini's spelling perhaps indicates the Turkish pronunciation of the name. The native pronunciation (Hiile'u) is represented by the Aku of Marco Polo, the Hulawu or Holawu of the Armenian sources and the HLAW of Juzjani. 23 I.e. Shustar in Khuzistan. 24 The westermost district of Khuzistan (north of the Kerkha). (V.M.) 1 It is in fact a very brief summary with no mention of the vicissitudes of his early life, his rivalry with Jamuqa or his campaigns against the Tatar, the Merkit and the Naiman. For an account of his career previous to his invasion of the West see the Secret History, Rashid-ad-Din tr. Smirnova, Vladimirtsov, Gengls-Khan, and Grousset, Le Conqutrant Au 34 11691-87 11691 Ala Ad Din Ata Malik Juvaini - - THE WORLD-CONQUEROR precedence over the others is the tribe of the Qiyat,2 of which the forefathers [26] and ancestors of Chingiz-Khan were the chieftains and from which they traced their descent.'............. -••- Chingiz-Khan bore the name of Temiijin3 until the time when, in accordance with the decree ofeff Be" and it «/ 4 he became master of all the kingdoms of the habitable world* In those days Ong-Khan,6 the ruler of the Kereit and the *Saqiyat,e surpassed the other tribes in strength and dignity and was stronger than they in gear and equipment and the number 2 Actually the Qlyat or Kiyat were a sub-division of the Mongol clan of the Borjigin. 3 Reading TMWjYN with B and C for the TMRjYN of the text, which would give Temiirjin. Both forms are possible but Temujin is the older and is the form used in the Secret History, the Yuan shib and the Sblng-wu cb'in-cbcitg lu. The name is derived from temur * iron * and means * blacksmith *. This accounts for Rubruck's statement (Rockhill, 114 and 249) that Chingiz-Khan had actually been a blacksmith. According to the Secret History, the Chinese sources and Rashid-ad-Din he was so called after a Tatar chieftain Temiijin-Oke whom his father had brought in as a prisoner at the time of his birth. 4 Koran, ii, in. 6 The Unc of Rubruck and the Unc Kan of Marco Polo, who identified him with Prester John. In fact Ong is the Mongol pronunciation of the Chinese title wang' prince * conferred on him by the Chin in recognition of the part he had played in one of their campaigns against the Tatar. See Grousset, of. dt.t 117-20. His real name was Toghril (To'oril in Mongol). On his early career see the Secret History, §177, Grousset, op. tit., 116-17. His people, the Kereit, perhaps of Turkish origin, were Nestorian Christians; they lived along the Orkhon and Tula between the Khangai and Kentei mountains. 6 The printed text has SAQYZ, i.e. Saq'iz, and M.Q. reproduces a note by Blochet to the effect that Saq'iz is the equivalent of Naiman because $a(jiz means * eight * in Turkish as does naiman in Mongol. There are, as PelHot has pointed out (Camgagms, 220), two decisive objections to this theory. In the first place the Turkish for * eight * is not safiz but sekiz, and secondly Ong-Khan, far from being the ruler of the Naiman, was the bitter enemy of that people and was constantly at war with them. PelHot suggests that for the SAQYR of the MSS. (which also occurs in Vassaf, Bombay ed., 558, the SAQYZ of the text being an amendment due to the editor) we should read the form here adopted, viz. SAQYT, corresponding to the SAQYAT, i.e. Saq'iyat, mentioned by Rashid-ad-Din (Berezin, V, 95, and VII, 122; Khetagurov, 128) among the Kereit tribes. The name is omitted in Berezin's text (VII, 122), perhaps because it occurred in only one of his MSS. and is there followed by a blank. In Khetagurov the tribes are listed in a different order, the Saqiyat (or Sakait as he calls them) appearing after the Qonqiyat, not after the Jirgin as in Berezin, and in place of the blank is the short sentence: c They also are a tribe.' F 35 11691-88 11691 Ala Ad Din Ata Malik Juvaini - - THE HISTORY OF of his men. And in those days the Mongol -tribes were not united and did not obey one another. ^When Chingiz-Khan rose from the grade of childhood to the degree of manhood, he became in the onslaught like a roaring lion and in the melee like a trenchant sword; In the subjugation of his foes his rigour an3" severity had the taste of poison, and in the humbling of the pride of each lord of fortune his harshness and ferocity did the work of Fate. ^Upon every occasion, by reason of the nearness of their confines and the proximity of their territories, he used to visit Ong-Khan, and there was a feeling of friendship between them. When Ong-Khan beheld his counsel and discernment, his valour, splendour and majesty, he marvelled at his courage and energy and did all that lay in his power to advance and honour him. Day by day he raised his station and position, until all affairs of state were dependent upon him and all Ong-Khan's troops and followers controlled by his discipline and justice. The sons and brothers of Ong-Khan and his courtiers and favourites became envious of the rank and favour he enjoyed: they accordingly cast the nets of guile across the passage provided by opportunity and set the traps of treachery to effect the blackening of his name; in the ambushes of private audiences they put out the story of his power and pre-eminence and repeated the tale of the inclination of all hearts towards obedience and allegiance to him. In the guise of well-wishers they kept these stories fresh until Ong-Khan too became suspicious of him and was doubtful as to what he should do; and fear and dread of his courage and intrepidity became implanted in his heart. Since it was impossible to attack him and [27] break with him openly, he thought to remove him by craft and guile and to hinder by fraud and treachery God's secret design in fortifying him. It was agreed, therefore, that at dawn, while eyes were anointed with the collyrium of sleep and mankind was rendered negligent by repose, Ong-Khan's men should make a night attack upon Chingiz-Khan and his followers and thus free themselves from their fears. They made every preparation for the deed and were about to put their intention into action; but since his luck was vigilant and his fortune kind, two youths in 36 11691-89 11691 Ala Ad Din Ata Malik Juvaini - - THE WORLD-CONQUEROR Ong-Khan's service, one of them named Kishlik7 and the other Bada, fled to Chingiz-Khan and informed him of the badness of their faith and the uncleanness of their treachery. He at once sent off his family and followers and had the tents moved away.8 When at the appointed time, in the dawn, the enemy charged down upon the tents they found them empty. Though the accounts 9 differ here as to whether they then returned or whether they at once took up the pursuit, the upshot of the matter was that Ong-Khan set off in search of him with a large force of men, while Chingiz-Khan had but a small force with him. There is a spring [in that region] which they call Baljuna:10 here they joined battle and fierce fighting ensued.11 In the end Chingiz-Khan with his small army routed Ong-Khan with his great host and won much booty. This event occurred in the year 599/I202-3,12 and the names of all who took part therein 13 are recorded, whether base or noble, from princes down to slaves, tent-pitchers, grooms, Turks, Taziks and Indians. As for those two youths, he made them tarkhan, Tarkhan are those who are 7 The text has KLK, which, as M.Q. suggests, must be a corruption of KSLK or KSLK. The name appears in Rashid-ad-Din as Qishli'q (QY§LYQ) and in the Secret History as Kishliq. Qi'shKq was still in attendance on the conqueror on his return journey from the campaign against the West. See Waley, The Travels of an Alchemist, 118. 8 I.e. moved a short distance away, because it is clear from the context that they did not take the tents with them. 9 An interesting reference to Juvaini's sources. Neither the Secret History nor Rashid-ad-Din mentions the attack on Chingiz-Khan's deserted encampment. 10 It is not clear from the sources whether Baljuna is the name of a river or of a lake. Pelliot, Campagnes, 45-7, discusses the problem of its identity at some length and reaches the conclusion that it is to be sought somewhere along the lower course of the Kerulen. See now, however, Hung, Three of Ch'iert Ta-bsins Poems on Yiian History, 20-24, n. 4. 11 None of the other sources mention any fighting at Baljuna. This is probably a reference to the encounter at Qalqaljit-Elet, where Chingiz-Khan won a ' vktoire a la Pyrrhus, qui fut peut-6tre une defaite * (Pelliot, op. dt.t 46). See the Secret History, §§170-1, Srnirnova, 124-6, Grousset, op. cit.t 157-6*0. 121203 according to the Yiian shih (Krause, 21). 13 I.e. all who were with Chingiz-Khan at Baljuna. See Smirnova, 126", Grousset, op. cit.t 171-2. The story of those who * drank the water of the Baljuna river' is not recorded in the Secret History, and doubts have been cast on its authenticity, but see now Cleaves, The Historicity of the Bdjuna Covenant. 37 11691-90 11691 Ala Ad Din Ata Malik Juvaini - - THE HISTORY OF exempt from compulsory contributions, and to whom the booty taken on every campaign is surrendered: whenever they so wish they may enter the royal presence without leave or permission. He also gave them troops and slaves and of cattle, horses and accoutrement more than could be counted or computed; and commanded that [28] whatever offence they might commit they should not be called to account therefor; and that this order should be observed with their posterity also down to the ninth generation* To-day there are many people descended from these two persons, and they are honoured and respected in every country, and held in high esteem at the courts of kings. As for the rest of those that took part in this battle, they all obtained high rank, and the very tent-pitchers and camel-drivers attained to great dignity; some became kings of the age, while others rose to great offices of state and became famous throughout the world, When Chingiz-Khanss army had been reinforced, in order to prevent Ong-Khan from rallying, he dispatched troops to pursue him. Several times they joined battle, and on each occasion he was victorious and Ong-Khan defeated. Finally all the latter's family and retainers, even his wives and daughters, fell into Chingiz-Khan's hand; and he himself was slain. And when Chingiz-Khan's cause prospered and the stars of his fortune were in the ascendant, he dispatched envoys to the other tribes also; and all that came to tender submission, such as the Oiratu and the Qonqurat,15 were admitted to the number of his commanders and followers and were regarded with the eye of indulgence and favour; while as for the refractory and rebellious, he struck the breath from their bodies with the whip of calamity and the sword of annihilation; until all the tribes 14 A forest tribe on the western shores of Lake Baikal. 15 QNQWEAT. The Qonqirat of Rashid-ad-Din and the Onggirat of the Secret History. It was to this tribe, in the extreme east of Mongolia, that Borte, Chingiz-Khan's first and chief wife, belonged. Juvainf s spelling of the name is interesting. Pelliot remarks (Campagnes, 406-7); * La forme " Kun-kurat", adoptee comme correcte par Howorth, I, 703, II, 14, et qui a passe* par exemple dans Elias et Ross, The Tarikb~i-Ra$kicli, 16, n'est attestee nulle part et ne repose sur rien.* In fact it goes back to the form used by Juvaini, which form, in turn, is perhaps to be explained as an imagined derivation from the Turkish Qonghur * chestnut-coloured', * bay', and at * horse'. 38 11691-91 11691 Ala Ad Din Ata Malik Juvaini - - THE WORLD-CONQUEROR were of one colour and obedient to his command. Then he established new laws and laid the foundation of justice; and whichever of their customs were abominable, such as theft and adultery, he abolished; something of which has been mentioned in the previous chapter. At this time there arose a man of whom I have heard from trustworthy Mongols that during the severe cold that prevails in those regions he used to walk naked through the desert and the mountains and then to return and say: * God has spoken with me and has said: " I have given all the face of the earth to Temujin and his children and named him Chingiz-Khan. Bid him administer justice in such and such a fashion/' * They called this person Teb-Tengri,18 and whatever he said [29] Chingiz-Khan used implicitly to follow. Thus he too grew strong; and many followers having gathered around him, there arose in him the desire for sovereignty. One day in the course of a banquet, he engaged in altercation with one of the princes ;17 and that prince, in the midst of the assembly, threw him so heavily upon the ground that he never rose again. In short, when these regions had been purged of rebels and all the tribes had become as his army, he dispatched ambassadors to Khitai, and afterwards went there in person, and slew Altun-Khan,18 the Emperor of Khitai, and subjugated the country. And gradually he conquered other kingdoms also, as shall be hereinafter separately mentioned. - 16 Reading TB TNKRY for the BT TNKRY of the text. Teb-Tengri, i.e. * Most Heavenly *, was actually a sort of title, the shaman's real name being Kokchu. See Grousset, op. cit.9 225-8. 17 According to the Secret History* §245, this was Chingiz-Khan's youngest full brother, Temuge-Otchigin (the Otegin of Juvaini). He and Teb-Tengri wrestled for a while in the Khan's presence and were then ordered outside. Temuge had posted three men in the doorway; they fell upon Teb-Tengri, dragged him to one side and broke his backbone. See also Grousset, op. dt.t 229-32. 18 I.e. the Chin Emperor, altun in Turkish, like cUn in Chinese, meaning * gold': the Golden King of Marco Polo. Chin was the dynastic title adopted by the leaders of the Jiirchen, a people of North Manchuria, who in 1123 expelled the Khitan (Liao) Dynasty from Northern China. In fact no Chin Emperor was put to death by Chingiz-Khan and the reference is perhaps to the suicide of the last ruler of the dynasty in 1234 during the reign of Ogedei. See below, p. 195; also Grousset, UEmpire Mongol, 292. 39 11691-92 11691 Ala Ad Din Ata Malik Juvaini - - THE HISTORY OF [IV] OF THE SONS OF GHINGIZ-KHAN CHINGIZ-KHAN had muchjssug. both male and female*..by-his WJKCS and concubines, mis eldest wife was Yesiinjin Beki.1 Now according to the custom of the Mongols the rank of the children of one father is in proportion to that of their mothers, so that the child of an elder wife is accorded greater preference and precedence. By this wife Chingiz-Khan had four sons who* Jiad risked their lives in the execution of great affairs and glorious! actions and were to the throne of the kingdom as its four pedestals id to the palace of the khanate as its four pillars. For each of n^z-Khdin had selected a special office. To Tushi,2 eldest, he assigned hunting and the chase, which is a great sport with the Mongols and held in high esteem by them; while to Chaghatai,3 who came next to him, fell the administration of the yasa and the law, both the enforcement thereof and the reprimanding and chastisement of those that contravened it. Ogetei4 he selected for [all that called for] understanding and counsel and for the administration of the kingdom; and Toli5 he promoted to the command and organization of troops and the equipment of armies. When the matter of Ong-Khan had been disposed of [30] and the tribes of the Mongols had, some by 1 Actually her name was Borte. Perhaps Juvaini confused her with Hulegii's wife Yesiinjin, the mother of his successor Abacja. 2 TW§Y. So spelt by Juzjani also; Nasawi has DW§Y. The Tossuc or Tosuccan of Carpini. The pronunciation is uncertain and may be either Toshi, Toshi or Tushi. It is apparently the Turkish form of the native Jochi, Jochi or Jiichi. Pelliot, Horde d'Ort 10-27, discusses this name at considerable length but reaches no definite conclusion as to the pronunciation or meaning. 3 JTTAY. In the Secret History he is called Cha'adai: the Chiaaday, etc., of Carpini. 4 AWKTAY. In the Secret History he is called Ogodei or Okodei. Pelliot, Campagnes, 10, suggests that the name may be a derivative of "Oke, the second element of Temujin-Oke, the name of the Tatar prisoner after whom Chingiz-Khan was called. See above, p. 35, n. 3. Carpini has the form Occoday. 5 TWLY. The usual form of the name is Tolui. Juvaini's spelling is interesting in view of the statement of Rashid-ad-Din that upon his death the use of the^word toll * mirror * was declared taboo. See my article, On the Titles Given in Jttvdni to Certain Mongolian Princes, 147. 40 11691-93 11691 Ala Ad Din Ata Malik Juvaini - - THE WORLD-CONQUEROR choice and some by compulsion, been reduced to his command and rendered submissive and obedient to his orders, he divided the tribes and peoples of the Mongols and the Naiman,6 as well as all the armies, between the aforesaid sons; and to each of his other younger sons and to his brothers and kinsmen he allotted their share of the armies. And thereafter he was wont to urge the strengthening of the edifice of concord and the consolidation of the foundations of affection between sons and brothers; and used continually to sow the seed of harmony and concord in the breasts of his sons and brothers and kinsfolk and to paint in their hearts the picture of mutual aid and assistance. And by means of parables he would fortify that edifice and reinforce those foundations. One day 7 he called his sons together and taking an arrow from his quiver he broke it in half. Then he took two arrows and broke them also. And he continued to add to the bundle until there were so many arrows that even athletes were unable to break them. Then turning to his sons he said: * So it is with you also. A frail arrow, when it is multiplied and supported by its fellows, not even mighty warriors are able to break it but in impotence withdraw their hands therefrom. As long, therefore, as you brothers support one another and render stout assistance one to another, though your enemies be men of great strength and might, yet shall they not gain the victory over you. But if there be no leader among you, to whose counsel the other brothers, and sons, and helpmeets, and companions submit themselves and to whose command they yield obedience, then your case will be like unto that of the snake of many heads. One night, when it was bitterly cold, the heads desired to creep into a hole in order to 6 An interesting distinction in view of Pelliot's theory that the Naiman, who inhabited the region to the west of the Khangai, were in fact Mongolized Turks. See Grousset, L'Empire Mongol, 30; also Hambis, La Haute-Asie, 58 and 59. 7 This anecdote is briefly repeated below, ii. 593-4, and M.Q. there comments that it is a very old story and is related in Tabari of the famous Umayyad general Muhallab. It is in fact much older still being Aesop's fable of the husbandman and his 'quarrelsome sons. There is no reason, however, for supposing that Juvaini drew on other than Mongol sources, for the story is also to be found in the Secret History, where it is related (§§ 19-20) not of Chingiz-Khan himself but of his mythical ancestress, Alan Qo'a. 41 11691-94 11691 Ala Ad Din Ata Malik Juvaini - - THE HISTORY OF ward off the chill. But as each head entered the hole another head would oppose it; and in this way they all perished. But another snake, which had but one head and a long tail, entered the hole and found room for his tail and all his limbs and members, which were preserved from the fury of the cold.' And there were many such parables which he adduced in order to confirm in their minds his words of counsel. They afterwards always abided by this principle; and although authority and empire are apparently vested in one man, namely him who is nominated Khan, [31] yet in reality all the children, grandchildren and uncles have their share of power and property; a proof whereof is that the World-Emperor Mengii Qa'an in the second quriltai apportioned and divided all his kingdoms among his kinsfolk, sons and daughters, and brothers and sisters. When during the reign of Chingiz-Khan the kingdom became of vast extent he assigned to everyone his place of abode, which they call yurt. Thus to Otegin Noyan,8 his brother, and to some of his grandchildren he apportioned territory in the regions of Khitai. To his eldest son, Tushi, he gave the territory stretching from the regions of QayaUgh 9 and Khorazm10 to the remotest parts of Saqsin u and Bulghar12 and as far in that direction as the hoof of Tartar horse had penetrated. Chaghatai received the territory extending from the land of the 8 I.e. Temiige-Otchigin. ot-tlgm (in Mongol ot-cbigtn) from the Turkish ot * £re * and tigin * lord*, i.e. * lord of the fire (hearth)', was the title of the youngest son as inheriting the Father's yurt. See Vladimirtsov, Le regime social de$ Mongols, 60. 9 Qayali'gh or Qayaliq, the Cailac of Rubruck, lay a little to the west of the modern Kopal. 10 In Persian Khwarazm. The ancient Chorasmia and the later Khanate of Khiva. The Khorazm Oasis is now divided between Uzbekistan (Khorezm Oblast) and Turkmenistan (Tashauz Oblast). 11 Saqsm was a town and territory on the Volga. The position of the town is discussed at length by Pelliot, Horde d'Or, 165-74. He agrees (loc. dt.t 169) with Marquart that it was situated 40 days downstream from Bulghar, i.e. on the lower reaches of the Volga. 12 I.e. the territory of the Volga Bulghars, not here the actual town of Bulghar, of which the ruins are situated near the village of Bolgarskoye, * in the Spassk district, 115 Km. south of Kazan and at 7 Km. from the left bank of the Volga *. (Minorsky, Hudtid, 461.) 42 11691-95 11691 Ala Ad Din Ata Malik Juvaini - - THE WORLD-CONQUEROR Uighur to Samarqand and Bokhara, and his place of residence was in Quyas in the neighbourhood of Almaligh. The capital of Ogetei, the heir-apparent, during his father's reign was his yurt In the region of the Emil13 and the Qobaq ;14 but when he ascended the throne of the Khanate he removed it to their original homeland, between Khitai and the land of the Uighur, and gave that other fief to his own son Giiyiik :15 an account of his various dwelling places has been recorded separately.16 Toll's territory, likewise, lay [32] adjacent thereto, and indeed this spot is the middle of their empire like the centre of a circle. What we have related Is but an insignificant part of the story. The children and grandchildren of Chingiz-Khan are more than ten thousand, each4 of whom has his own position (maqam)t yurt, army and:equipment. To record them all is impossible; our purpose in relating this much was to show the harmony which prevails among them as compared with what is related concerning other kings, how brother falls upon brother and son meditates the ruin of father till of necessity they are vanquished and conquered and their authority is downfallen and overthrown. God Almighty hath said: f And dispute not lest ye Become fainthearted and your success go from, you!17/ Whereas by mutuatlM and assistance those khans of the children of Chingiz-Khan that succeeded him on the throne have conquered the whole world and utterly annihilated their enemies, f Now the purpose rgfer of these tales im?lusfc^^^ man may learn 13 AYMYL. Emil is the name of a river, south of Chuguchak, flowing into the Ala Kul. It was also, in Mongol times, the name of a town (the Omyl of Carpini) in the region of the Emil. 14 Reading QWBAQ with Pelliot (Les Mongols et la Papaute, [206]-[207], n. 2) for the QWNAQ of the text. Of Qobaq Pelliot, loc. dt.t says: * De meme qu'Emil survit comme nom de la riviere Emil, Qobaq est encore aujourd'hui le nom d'une riviere Qoboq (" Chobuq " des cartes allemandes) a 1'Est de 1'EmiL C'est essendellement la vallee de ces deux rivieres qui constituait Fapanage propre de Gtiyiik.* 15 KYWK. The form Kiiyiik is perhaps preferable for Juvaini in view of the Cuyuc of Carpini and the Keuchan of Rubruck. Giiyiik is the native Mongol form or at any rate the form used in the Secret History. 16 In Chapter XXXIIL 17 Koran, viii, 48. 43 11691-96 11691 Ala Ad Din Ata Malik Juvaini - - THE HISTORY OF without the pain of experience and be edified by the study of these discourses. [V] OF THE CONQUEST OF THE LAND OF THE UIGHUR AND THE SUBMISSION OF THE IDI-QUT THE Uighur Turks call their ruler iii-qM, which means lord of fortune.1 At that time the idi-gut was a certain Barchuq. During the spring when [the Emperor of] the Qara-Khitai2 subjugated Transoxiana and Turkestan, he too entered the noose of allegiance and accepted the payment of tribute; and the Emperor sent him a sbahna3 named Shaukem.4 This Shaukem, once he was 1 Juvaini has evidently confused the first element of the name with Mi * lord', 'owner', which occurs for example in the compound name Ulush-Idi (see Chapter XIII), i.e.' Lord of the ulus'. Lord of Fortune would be * qut-idi. Actually l&-qut (cf. the Idu'ut of the Secret History, § 238), 'Holy Majesty*, is a title which the Uighur took over from the earlier Basmil. See Barthold, Histoire des Tuns, 37. 2 Lit. the Black Khitai, the * Karakitai sive nigri Kitay * of Carpini (Wyngaert, 88). This name was given to a branch of the Khitan who migrated westward after the overthrow of their dynasty by the Jiirchen (see above, p. 39, n. 18), and founded an empire in Eastern Turkestan. On their history see below, pp. 354~<5i; also Grousset, L'Empire des Stepper, 219-22, and Wittfbgel and Feng, History of Chinese Society: Liao, 619-73. 3 The Arabo-Persian word shahna is used by Juvaini as a synonym of the Turkish tasqa$ and the Mongol darugba or darughackin (see below, p. 105, n. 24), i.e. the representative of the conqueror in conquered territory responsible in particular for the collection of tribute. The word is used in the same sense in the Armenian chronicler Grigor (310 and 312). 4 §AWKM. Shaukem is actually the Chinese title shao-chien * junior supervisor *. This and cbien-kuo * state supervisor *, apparently representing a higher rank than sbao-cbien, were the Qara-Khitai terms corresponding to sbahna, basqaq, etc. (see previous note). See Wittfbgel and Feng, op. cit., 666. A somewhat different account of the sbahna's end is given in a Chinese source, The Chronicle of the Hsieb Family of Kao-cVang. When the shao-chien was surrounded he took refuge in a tower, whereupon a certain Bilge, the instigator of this attack upon the Qara-Khitai agent, followed him up the stairs, cut off his head and hurled it to the ground. See Wittfogel and Feng, op. tit., also Mostaert and Cleaves, Trois documents mongols des Archives secretes vaticanes, 488. According both to the Chinese sources and to Rashid-ad-Din (Smirnova, 152) this event took place in 1209. 44 11691-97 11691 Ala Ad Din Ata Malik Juvaini - - THE WORLD-CONQUEROR firmly established In his office, began to behave with tyranny and injustice, treating the idi-qut and his commanders with contumely and rending the veil of their honour; so that he became an object of detestation both to the nobles and to the common people. When Chingiz-Khan had made himself master of Khitai and the fame and report of his victory had been noised abroad, the idi-gut gave orders that Shaukem should be encompassed in a house in the town 5 which they call Qara-Khoja 6 and that the house should be pulled down upon his head. Then, in order to announce his rebellion [33] against the Qara-Khitai and his allegiance to the world-conquering Emperor Chingiz-Khan, he dispatched to the latter Qut-Almish-Qaya,7 eUmar Oghul8 and Tarbai.9 Chingiz-Khan showed every honour to these ambassadors but intimated that the iii-qut should make haste to present himself in person. The latter obeyed this command with alacrity, and upon his arrival witnessed the fulfilment 5 lib. This word normally means * village', but c£ below, p. 133, where it is used to translate the Turkish Mtgb * town'. 6 QRA XWAjH. Qocho or Qara-Khoja, the Carachoco of Marco Polo, known at an earlier period as Chinanch-Kath, * the Chinese town *, lay some 45 kilometres to the east of Turfan in what is now the Chinese province of Sin-kiang. The ruins are still known as Idi'qut-Shehri, i.e. cthe tdl-qut's town*. See Minorsky, Hudud, 271. 7 QTALMS QYA (reading QYA for the QTA of the text). Qut-Almish means * he that has received fortune (majesty) *. qayaf rock *, as Pelliot has pointed out, Horde d' Or, 70, n. i, often forms the second element of proper names, 8 I.e. Prince 'Umar. See above, p. 26, n. 6. To judge by his name he must have been a Mohammedan. 9 TARE AY. The Darbai of the Secret History, §238, where he is accompanied by At-Kiraq (or Al-Buiruq). In Rashid-ad-Din (Berezin, XV, 15-16, Smirnova, 152) he also appears as Darbai (spelt DRBAY, which both Berezin and Smirnova read as Durbai) and is accompanied by one Alp-Uniik (?) or Alp~t)tiik (?), perhaps identical with the Al-Buiruq of the Secret History. Here however Darbai and his companion are represented as the envoys, not of the tfc-qut, but of Chingiz-Khan himself. As the result of their embassy the idi-gut sends his own ambassadors to the Khan, and their names are given as Bugiish-Ish Aighuchi" (Smirnova has Bargush instead of Bugiish) and Alghui-Temiir. Elsewhere, in his chapter on the Uighur (Berezin, VII, 164, Kheta-gurov, 148) Rashid-ad-Din gives the same names as Juvaini for the iti-qufs ambassadors, but Tarbai is corrupted to Tatari (TATARY) in Berezin's text and Tatar in Khetagurov's translation and the latter has changed Qut-Almish-Qaya into Kalmish-Kata. 45 11691-98 11691 Ala Ad Din Ata Malik Juvaini - - THE HISTORY OF of all the promises that had been made to him and returned from thence loaded with honours, When the army set out against Kiichliig,10 the idi-qut received orders to present himself with warriors from the Uighur country. In obedience to this command he joined Chingiz-Khan with three hundred men and rendered him assistance. When he returned from that campaign, he was allowed to have a retinue of his tribe, family and servants. Finally, when Chingiz-Khan set out in person against the lands of Sultan Muhammad he was again commanded to mount horse with his army. When the princes Chaghatai and Ogetei proceeded to their posts to lay siege to Otrar,11 he too accompanied them. After the capture of Otrar, Torbei,12 Yasa'ur13 and Ghadaq 14 led an army to Vakhsh15 and that region; and he too was sent with them. And when the royal standards reached the original encampment and Chingiz-Khan marched against the Tangut, he also, in fulfil- 10 KWCLK. For the career of Kiichliig the Naiman see below, Chapter VIII. 11 The ruins of Otrar, the earlier Farab, are situated on the right bank of the Syr Darya near the mouth of the Aris. It was here, on the eastern frontier of Muhammad Khorazm-Shah's empire, that Ghingiz-Khan's envoys were murdered (see below, pp. 79-80); and it was here, in 1405, that Tamerlane died whilst on his way to attack China. 12 TRBAY, for which D has TWRTAY, i.e. TWRBAY. This person, as is suggested by M.Q. in his index, is probably identical with the Torbei Toqshin who was sent across the Indus in pursuit of Sultan Jalal-ad-Din. See below, Chapter XXIV. 13 Reading YS'WR with E, I, 92, for the YSTWR of the text. 14FDAQ. Barthold, Turkestan, 417, has confused this person with the Alaq who led the expedition against Banakat. See my article, 1m and Mam in the Secret History of tie Mongols, 409, n. 33, where IlSuggest his possible identity with Qadaq Ba'atur of the Jirgin (Secret History, §§ 170 and 185). In the corresponding passage in Rashid-ad-Din, Berezin's text (VII, 164), like B and E, has *LAF, which he translates as * pro visions for the campaign*. The same corrupt form occurs in all Khetagurov's MSS.: he reads 'allaf and translates " provider of fodder for the [army] animals *. On the other hand, V. A. Zhukov-sky, who translated the passage for Radloff, had recognized that *LAF must represent a proper name. See Khetagurov, 148, n. 6. Barhebraeus has the form TLAQ. 16 The Vakhsh is a right-bank affluent of the Oxus or Amu Darya, in what is now Tajikistan. Vakhsh was also the name of a district on the banks of the Vakhsh. 46 11691-99 11691 Ala Ad Din Ata Malik Juvaini - - THE WORLD-CONQUEROR merit of orders, set out from Besh-Baligh 16 with his army In order to join him. In recognition of these praiseworthy services Chingiz-Khan distinguished him with extraordinary attentions and favours; and betrothed one of his own daughters to him. Owing to the death of Chingiz-Khan this daughter remained behind; and he returned to Besh-Baligh. When Qa'an ascended the throne, in fulfilment of his father's command he bestowed Alton [34] Beki17 upon him; but he had not yet arrived at Court when she died. After some time Qa'an betrothed Alajin Beki18 to him, but before she was delivered up to him the i&i-gut was no more. His son Kesmes19 then presented himself at Court, 16 Lit. * Five Towns* from the Turkish lesb * five' and hdtgb or rather kJfy *town*. Besh-Baligh was situated in the present-day Sinkiang, slightly to the north-west of Guchen. 17 Le. Princess Akun. The Al-Altun of the Secret History (§ 238). Rashid-ad-Din calls her Altan Beki (Khetagurov, 149) and El-Aid or Il-Alti (Smimova, in the table facing 73). In the Yuan sbib she is referred to in the biography of the td'f-qut Barchuq, Chapter 122 (ts'e 38), 114-5^ (2vs), as Yeh-li An-tun (El-Aldun) and in the table of imperial princesses, Chapter 109 (tie 36), ir4-3v as Yeh-li K'o-tun (El-Qadun), in which latter case, as Hambis has suggested, Le chapitre CV1II, 133, qadun (i.e. qatun €princess*) was probably substituted by the editor for altun. Professor F. W. Cleaves, of Harvard University, to whom I am indebted for these references to the Yuan sbib> remarks in a letter dated the 2nd August, 1955, that in neither passage is there any indication that the princess was not actually married to Barchuq. Her betrothal or marriage to the Uighur ruler was known to Rubruck: * These lugurs used to inhabit the cities which first obeyed Chingis chan, who therefore gave his daughter to their king/ (Rockhill, 149.) This statement, which has the authority bath of Juvaini and of the Far Eastern sources, has been disputed by Rubruck's editors. * Friar William would seem to have been misinformed on this point, for I can find no record of Chingis having given one of his daughters in marriage to an Uighur prince.' (Rockhill, loc. dt,, n. i.) *Filia Chingis in uxorem data est Regi Merkitarum, non autem Uigurorum, d'Ohsson, Hlstohe fas Mongols, I, 419.' (Wyngaert, 233, n. 2.) 18 Le. Princess Alajin. The text has ALAjY in 1. 2 and ALAJYN In 1. 4. The name appears to be the feminine form of ala * mottled *. Perhaps this lady was the daughter of Ogedei: she is nowhere mentioned as the daughter of Chingiz-Khan. The Yuan sbth, so Professor Cleaves informs me in the letter referred to in the previous note, says nothing of her marriage to the 'iti-qut in place of the deceased Altun Beki. 19 Reading KSMAS, which C has for the KSMAYN of the text in i. 4. The meaning of the name would appear to be * he that does not cut'. 47 11691-100 11691 Ala Ad Din Ata Malik Juvaini - - THE HISTORY OF became idi-qvt and married Alajin Beki. After a short space the idi-qut Kesmes likewise passed away; and at the command of Queen Toregene 20 his brother Salindi21 took his place and was called idi-qut. He was firmly established on the throne and held in high esteem; f and the giver of success is God \ [VI] OF THE FURTHER HISTORY OF THE UIGHUR ALTHOUGH this chapter ought to be placed after that on the accession of Mengii Qa'an, nevertheless as the general arrangement of this history favoured its insertion in this place it seemed appropriate to observe this order. When the empire of the universe had been settled upon the World-Emperor Mengii Qa'an, there arose dissension because of the treachery which certain people were meditating.1 These persons dispatched to the idi-qut2 a certain Bala Bitikchi,3 an Uighur and an idolater, and one of the ministers of the kingdom ('like lelng ever attracted mto like'). Bala Bitikchi tempted the idi-qut with many promises and with countless inducements; he suggested among other things that the Uighur should slay all the Moslems in Besh-Baligh and its environs, pillaging their property and leading their children captive; and that they should fit out an army of fifty thousand men to render assistance in case of need. Of the Uighur nobles that were privy [35] to this conspiracy were Bilge Quti,4 Bolmish-Buqa,5 Saqun6 and 20 The widow of Ogedei and the Regent of the Empire. See below, Chapter XXXIV. 21SALNDY. 1 On the conspiracy against Mongke see below. 2 Apparently Salindi. See above. 3 I.e. Bala the titikcU (ttttgdn), the Scribe. 4 Reading BYLKAQTY for the BYLKAFTY of the text. Cf. the title of Bilge Qut conferred upon the Bilge who slew the shao-cbien of the Qara-Khitai. See Mostaert and Cleaves, Trots documents mongols des Archives secretes vaticanes, 488, also above, p. 44, n. 4. Professor Cleaves informs me in a letter dated the 6th February, 1956, that the Chinese transcription of the title (Pi-li-chia-hu-ti) may equally well represent Bilge QutL For the use of qufi, 11691-101 11691 Ala Ad Din Ata Malik Juvaini - - THE WORLD-CONQUEROR Idkech,7 It was agreed that they should spring from ambush in the precincts of the mosque upon a Friday when the congregation were engaged in prayer, and blacken the face of their lives and discomfit the army of Islam. They will quench the glory that was kindled ly God ; ffxy mil lessen the grace that was given ly In order to carry out this plan and accomplish this intention, under the pretext that he was going to Ghaimish, Khoja and Naqu,8 the idi-qut pitched his camp upon the plain; and the troops of the Uighur were assembled. Now one of the slaves of Bilge Quti, Tegmish 9 by name, had been eavesdropping one night and had overheard their plans and schemes. He concealed what he had heard until a week later, when being involved in an altercation with one of the Moslems in the market-place, he exclaimed : * Do your worst now, for you have but three days left to live.' Now at that time the Emir Saif~ad-Din, a trusted minister of the Court and a man of lofty position and high rank, was in Besh-Baligh ; and the Moslems informed him of these words. He sent for Tegmish and questioned him concerning the riddle which he had spoken in the midst of the altercation. Tegmish for his part disclosed the real state of affairs and the plot and design of those malcontents. Now during these two days news had arrived of the accession of the World-Emperor ; and the change in the affairs of the conspirators became manifest. The idi-qut, thus constrained by circumstances, abandoned that idea and set out on the journey to Court. Saif-ad-Din sent a lit. ' his fortune ', in the sense of * His Highness ' or * His Majesty * see RadlofF, Uigurische Sprachdenkmaler, 146. 5 Reading BWLMYS BWQA for the TWKMYS BWQA of the text. A has BWLMYS, D BWLMS and E BWLMYS for the first element of the name. For Bulrmsh or Bolmlsh as a personal name see RadlofF, op. at. 6 S AQWN. Apparently identical with the Saghun of Kashghari (I, 403), a title given to the chief men of the Qarluq Turks. 7 AYDKAj. The spelling is uncertain: E has ANDKAj. 8 I.e. Princess Oghul-Ghaimish, the widow of Giiyiik and the Regent of the Empire (on whom see below, Chapter XXXVII) and her two sons. 9 TKMY§. Perhaps from the same root as Tekish or Tegish, the name of Muhammad Khorazm-Shah's father. Cf. Pelliot-Hambis, Campagnesf 91. 49 11691-102 11691 Ala Ad Din Ata Malik Juvaini - - THE HISTORY OF messenger to fetch him back; and when he and his followers returned and came into the presence of Saif-ad-Din, they were confronted with Tegmish, who withdrew nothing from his statement, but recounted the exact time and place of the meeting and the names of those that took part in it They were overcome with fear and consternation [36] and bereft of wit and reason. There being no other course open to them they denied the matter and disclaimed all knowledge of it. After much clamour and wrangling on the part of the Mi-gut and his accomplices they gave written declarations in attestation of their innocence, as did Tegmish in support of his own statement. Written undertakings were also taken from the other Uighur of note to the effect that should any one of them have had knowledge of this matter and concealed it, and should any intrigue be disclosed and revealed, he too should be reckoned in the number of the culprits and his life and property should be forfeit. Hereupon Tegmish arose and said: * It would seem that this affair cannot be decided in Besh-Baligh. Let us go to the Court of the World-Emperor, in order that it may be thoroughly discussed and investigated in the great yarghu.910 Tegmish, accordingly, was sent in advance with the messenger to report this affair at Court. He was ordered to halt and wait for the ili-qut and his followers. He halted for a while but the idi-qut did not appear. Tegmish then conducted Bala Bitikchi to the yarghu. When he denied the charge, he was, in accordance with their custom, stripped stark naked and beaten with drumsticks until at last he declared the truth of the matter concerning their conspiracy against the World-Emperor Mengii Qa'an, just as it had been declared by Tegmish. He was then dismissed but detained; and Tegmish was sent back with the envoy Mengii-Bolad u in order to fetch the idi-qut. When the latter heard of the messenger's approach, before their arrival he set off 10 In Turkish " court of criminal investigation'. 11 The text has MNKFWLAD and B MNKWFWLAD, but I have preferred the reading MNKWBWLAD based on the MNKWBWLAZ and MNKBWLAT of C and D respectively, II, 247-50. toktl or lolat is the Turkish form of the Persian fulat or fulad * steel *. 50 11691-103 11691 Ala Ad Din Ata Malik Juvaini - - THE WORLD-CONQUEROR for Court by a different road. After Tegmish had been lording it in Besh-Baligh, where [37] each of the Uighur (who were in fear of their lives) pHed him with bribes and rendered him all manner of services, he too returned in the footsteps of the idi-gnt* Mengeser 12 Noyan then began the inquiry. As the idi-qut denied the charge recourse was had to torture and questioning. They so twisted his hands that he fell upon his face in exhaustion. A wooden press was then fastened on his forehead. The jailer loosened the press and in punishment for this action received seventeen stout blows upon the posterior (mmze-i-izar). The idi-gut still persisted in his denial and would make no confession. They then confronted him with Bolmish-Buqa,13 who said: * Nought will avail thee but the truth/ But persisting in his former error he would not confess the words that had passed between them. Bala Bitikchi was then brought in. In the face of the idi-gut he recounted all that had been said from beginning to end. The idi-qut, in great astonishment, asked, ' Art thou Bala ? *14 And as his name was Bala, he answered, * Yes/ Then the idi-qut also confessed, whereupon his bonds were loosened and he was removed some distance away. Bilge-Quti too, after enduring all manner of questioning, spoke the truth and avowed his guilt. The two or three others that remained were questioned separately; and after sipping the unpalatable cup of the roughness of Tartar rods they vomited forth and declared what was hidden in their breasts. Thereafter they were all brought into the presence of one another and without the imposition of bonds and chains were questioned as to the making of their league and covenant of conspiracy and conjuration. ' They said, "Is not this it in truth ?" Thy said, "Aye, ly our Lord!' He said, ff Taste then the punishment for that ye would not believe,"'15 When confessions had been obtained from them all [38] and 12MNKSAR. On Mengeser see below, ii, 578-81; also PelUot-Hambis, of. at., 368-9. 13 Here the text has TKMS for the first element of the name, A BKMS, D BWKM§ and E BKMY§. 14 There is a word-play involved, since lala in Arabic means * calamity*. 15 Koran, xlvi, 33. G SI 11691-104 11691 Ala Ad Din Ata Malik Juvaini - - THE HISTORY OF had been submitted to the firm judgement of the Monarch of the Face of the Earth, he gave orders that the idi-qut and his accomplices should be sent back to Besh-Baligh together with the messengers. And on a Friday, the day on which they had thought to attack the true believers, the common people, both rnonotheists and idolaters, were brought out on to the plain and the command of the mighty World-Emperor was put into execution. Ogiinch,16 the brother of the idi-qut, with his own hand severed his head; and his two accomplices Bilge Quti and Idkech were sawn in half. And thus was this country cleansed of the mark of the guile of these wicked infidels and of the impurity of their religion. ' And the uttermost part of that impious people was cut off. All praise le to God, the Lord of the Worlds IJ17 The faithful were exalted and the idolaters downtrodden by the grace of God Almighty. The truth shineth forth and the swords are bared: leware of the lions of the thicket, faware!18 Now Bala Bitikchi was one of the officers of Ghaimish. At the time of the trial of the conspirators and their punishment for their evil intent, previous to the divulgement of this secret plot he had been held in confinement and had despaired of his life. He was now taken out on to the plain with some others and stripped naked in preparation for his execution. But Beki19 being ill and her illness having grown worse, as an almsgiving for her long life those who had that day been condemned to death all received their pardon. And so he escaped from under the sword. 16 AWKNj. Professor Cleaves informs me in the letter quoted above that in the biography of the Jit-gut Barchuq in the Yuan shih, Chapter 122 (ts'e 38), ir4-5r3» it is stated that when Barchuq died (2v8), he was succeeded by his second son Yti-ku-lun-ch'ih (Ugiiriinchi), who is obviously Juvaini's Ogiinch. There is no mention in the biography of an elder son (or, according to Juvaini, two elder sons, Kesmes and Salindi). 17 Koran, vi, 45. 18 The opening line of a aasida by Abu-Tamtnam in praise of the 'Abbasid Caliph Mu*tasim. (M.Q.) 19 Le. Sorqoqtani Beki, the widow of Tolui and the mother of Mongke, Qubilai and Hiilegii, on whom see below, pp, 108-9, n. 31. 52 11691-105 11691 Ala Ad Din Ata Malik Juvaini - - THE WORLD-CONQUEROR Ob! bow often did the feU grout narrow to tb and it was yet possible to escape from amongst tbe lances I In this case too, because clemency had been previously ordered, his blood remained unshed; but his wives and children, his servants and cattle, all his animate and inanimate possessions, were seized and distributed. It is the custom of the Mongols in the case of a criminal who is worthy of death [39] but whose life has been spared to send him into the wars; arguing that if he is fated to be killed he will be killed in the fighting. Or else they send him on an embassy to foreign peoples who they are not entirely certain will send him back: or again they send him to hot countries whose climate is unhealthy. And thus, on account of the heat of the climate of Egypt and Syria they dispatched Bala Bitikchi upon an embassy to those parts. Since Saqun was not deeply involved in the conspiracy and as he had connections with the Court of Bate, he escaped with a hundred and ten stout blows upon the posterior. As for Tegmish, who had drawn attention to the conspiracy, he received tokens of favour and benevolence; and God Almighty bestowed upon him the nobility of Islam. After the dust of this sedition had settled Ogiinch arose and went to Court. He was given his brother's office and the title ofidi-qut. These events took place in the year 650/1252-3. [VII] OF THE ORIGIN OF THEIDI-QUT AND THE LAND OF THE UIGHUR ACCORDING TO THEIR OWN BELIEF 1 AFTER writing their history we have recorded something of what is found in their books regarding their beliefs and religion; which we offer as matter for astonishment and not as truth and certainty. 1 This chapter has been translated into French by d'Ohsson, I, 429-35* anc^ German by Salemann in Radloff, Das Kutaktv Bilik, Theil I, xU-xlix. 53 11691-106 11691 Ala Ad Din Ata Malik Juvaini - - THE HISTORY OF It is the opinion of the Uighur that the beginning of their generation and increase was on the banks of the river Orqon,2 whose source flows from a mountain which they call Qara-Qorum ;3 the town that was built by Qa'an In the present age is also called after that mountain. Thirty rivers have their sources in It; upon each river there dwelt a different people; the Uighur forming two groups upon the Orqon. When their number Increased, after the manner [40] of other peoples they appointed a chief from their midst and yielded him obedience. And so they continued for five hundred years until the appearance of Buqu Khan.4 Now it is said that Buqu Khan was Afiasiyab ;5 and there are ruins of a well, and also a great stone, on. the hillside near Qara-Qorum, and this well is said to be that of Bizhan.6 There are also the ruins of a town and a palace on the banks of this river, of which the name is Ordu-Baligh 7 though it is now called Ma'u-Baligh.8 Outside the ruins of the palace, opposite the gate, there lie stones engraved with inscriptions, which we have seen ourselves. During the reign of Qa'an these stones were raised up, and a well was discovered, and in the well a great stone tablet with an inscription engraved upon it.9 2 ARQWN, i.e. the Orkhon. 3 Lit. * Black Rock * from the Turkish qara * black' and qprum * rock *. 4 Marquart, Quwayni's Bericbt tiler die Bekehrung for Uigburen, 486-7, sees in Buqu an historical figure, the Khan mentioned on the Qara-Balghasun inscription (see below, pp. 54-5, n. 9) under whom Manichaeism was introduced amongst the Uighur, On the other hand, Pelliot, Notes' sur k ' Turkestan* fa M. Bartbold, 22, regards Buqu as Juvaini's spelling of Biigu, * le nom du premier roi plus ou moins legendaire des Ouigours*. 5 Afiasiyab is a figure in the National Epic, in which he appears as the ruler of Turan and the hereditary foe of the Iranians. He and his followers, who may originally have represented Iranian tribes hostile to the teachings of Zoroaster, had by the time the Epic received its final form in the Sbabnctma of Firdausi been identified with a more recent enemy, the Turks. 6 Bizhan, an Iranian hero, was imprisoned by Aftasiyab in a well. 7 Or Qara-Balghasun, the old Uighur capital. 8 I.e. * Bad Town * from the Mongol ma*v ' bad * and the Turkish laltgh or f town *. 0 This is perhaps the famous trilingual inscription (in Chinese, Turkish and Soghdian) in praise of the Uighur ruler Ai tengride qut bulrrush alp bilge. See Grousset, L*Empire des Ste$$t$> 174; also, for translations of the Chinese 54 11691-107 11691 Ala Ad Din Ata Malik Juvaini - - THE WORLD-CONQUEROR The order was given that everyone should present himself in order to decipher the writing; but no one was able to read it* Then people were brought from Khitai who are called . . . :10 it was their writing that was engraved on the stone [and this is what was written:] In that age two of the rivers of Qara-Qoram, one called the Tughla u and the other the Selenge9 flowed together in a place called Qamlanchu ;12 and close together between these two rivers there stood two trees; the one they call qusttfa131 which is a tree shaped like a pine (nazk), whose leaves in winter resemble those of a cypress and whose fruit is like a pignon (cbilgbuza) both in shape and taste; the other they call foz.1* Between the two trees there arose a great mound, and a light15 descended on it from the sky; and day by day the mound grew greater. On seeing this strange sight, the Uighur tribes were filled with astonishment; and respectfully and humbly they approached the mound: they heard sweet and pleasant sounds like singing. And every night a light shone to a distance of thirty paces around that mound, text, RadlofF, Die alttifrkiscben Insclmften far Mangold, 286-91, and Schlegel, Die chinesische Inschrift auf Aem uighuriscben Dtnkmd in Kara Bdgassun. That inscription, however, while it refers at some length to the conversion of the Uighur to Manichaeism by missionaries brought from China, makes no reference whatsoever (as was already pointed out by Marquart, op. dt,, 497) to the miraculous birth of Buqu or to his various conquests. May it perhaps be that the Qara-Balghasun inscription is rather to be identified with * the stones engraved with inscriptions' mentioned immediately before ? For a description of the monument as discovered by the Russians (the actual stele was broken into six pieces) see Radloff, op. dt., 283. 10 There is a blank in all MSS. except C, which has QAMAAN, and J and K (not utilized by M.Q. for this part of his edition), which have QAMAN, i.e. (jams or shamans (see below, p. 59, n. 23); but this can hardly be right. 11TWTLAV The Tuk 12 QMLANjW. Marquart, tiler da* Volkstum der Komanen, 59-60, regards Qamlanchu as an entirely mythical locality. He points out that there is in fact no confluence of the Tula and the Selenga, the former being a tributary of the Orkhon. Kashghari, III, 242, knows Qamlanchu only as * the name of a small town near Iki-Ogiiz'. 13 Le. the Siberian Cedar, See above, p. 21, n. 10). 141.e. the Birch, reading TWZ with E for the TWR of the text. 15 * Der wunderbare Lichtstrom, welcher auf den Baum fallt, wodurch dieser befruchtet wird und fiinf Anschwellungen bekommt, ist echt mankhaisch.* (Marquart, (Swwyw'V Bericht, 490.) 55 11691-108 11691 Ala Ad Din Ata Malik Juvaini - - THE HISTORY OF until just as with pregnant women at the time of their delivery, a door opened and inside there were five separate tent-like cells [41] in each of which sat a man-child: opposite the mouth of each child hung a tube which furnished milk as required; while above the tent was extended a net of silver. The chiefs of the tribe came to view this marvel and in reverence bowed the knee of fealty. When the wind blew upon the children they gathered strength and began to move about. At length they came forth from the cells and were confided to nurses, while the people performed all the ceremonies of service and honour. As soon as they were weaned and were able to speak they inquired concerning their parents, and the people pointed to those two trees. They approached the trees and made such obeisance as dutiful children make to their parents; they also showed respect and honour to the ground in which the trees grew. The trees then broke into speech and said: * Good children, adorned with the noblest virtues, have ever trodden this path, observing their duty to their parents. May your lives be long, and your names endure for ever T16 All the tribes of that region came to view the children and showed them the honours due to the sons of kings; and as they left they gave each boy a name: the eldest they called Sonqur Tegin, the second Qotur Tegin, the third Tukel Tegin, the fourth Or Tegin and the fifth Buqu Tegin.17 After considering these strange matters the people agreed that they must make one of the children their leader and their king; for they were, they said, sent by God Almighty. They found Buqu Khan to be superior to the other children in beauty of features and strength of mind and judgement; moreover he knew all the tongues and writings of the different peoples. Therefore 16 Cf. Rashid-ad~Din*s reference to Biigii Khan (see above, p. 54, n. 4), who ' was a great ruler in ancient times, held in high esteem by the Uighur and many [other] tribes, who relate of him that he was born of a tree*. (Kheta-gufov, 139.) The legend was known to Marco Polo; ' They [i.e. the Uighur] say that the king, who first ruled them, was not of human origin, but was born of one of those swellings that the sap produces on the bark of trees, and that we call esca! (Benedetto, 73.) For the Chinese version as given in the Yiian sbib (which is remarkably close to Juvaini) see Bretschneider, I, 247. 17 In Old Turkish ttgin or tigin means 'lord* or 'prince*. In the case of Tukel I read TWKAL with D for the TWKAK of the text. ' 11691-109 11691 Ala Ad Din Ata Malik Juvaini - - THE WORLD-CONQUEROR all were of one accord that he should be made Khan; and so they gathered together, held a feast and placed him on the throne of the Khanate. Thereafter he spread out the carpet of justice and rolled up the scroll of oppression; and his retainers and domestics and followers and servants were many. God Almighty sent him three ravens (zagb) 18 that knew all tongues; [42] and wherever he had a matter on hand thither the ravens would go to act as spies and bring back news. Some rime later, when he lay asleep one night in his house, the form of a maiden came down through the smoke-hole and awakened him; but in his fear he feigned to be still asleep. On the second night she came again; and on the third night, following the advice of his vizier, he departed with the riiaiden to a mountain which they call Aq-Tagh,19 where they conversed together until the break of dawn. And for a space of seven years, six months and twenty-two days he resorted thither every night, and they spoke with each other. Upon the last night, when the maiden bade him farewell, she said to him: * From East to West shall be thy domain. Be diligent and zealous in this work, and care for the people/ Hereupon he assembled armies and dispatched three hundred thousand picked men under Sonqur Tegin against the Mongols and the Qirqiz; a hundred thousand men, similarly equipped, under Qotur Tegin against the Tangut; and the like number of men under Tiikel Tegin against the Tibetans; while he himself with three hundred thousand men marched against the Khitayans, leaving his other brother behind in his stead. Each returned in triumph from the place to which he had been sent, and with so much booty as was beyond measure or computation; and they brought many people from all sides to their home on the Orqon 18 The Persian word is vague: it is applied to-day to the Magpie and the Jackdaw. 19 Lit. 'the White Mountain' from the Turkish a% * white* and taq or %i * mountain*. Perhaps identical with the Ektag (—Aq-Tagh) of Menander Protector, i.e. the T'ien Shan, in * a certain hollow' in which mountain range Zemarchus, the ambassador of Justin II, was received in audience by Istemi, the ruler of the Western T'u-chueh (552-75). See Yule, Cathay and the Way Thither, I, 209, Grousset, LfEmpire its Steppes, 129. 57 11691-110 11691 Ala Ad Din Ata Malik Juvaini - - THE HISTORY OF and built the town of Ordu-Baligh; and the whole of the East came under their sway. Then Buqu Khan beheld in a dream an aged man,20 clothed in white and holding a white staff; who handed him a jasper stone shaped like a pine-cone, saying: * If thou canst keep this stone, then shall the four corners of the world be under the shadow of the banner of thy command/ His vizier also [43] dreamt a similar dream. In the morning they began to prepare his army; and he set out for the regions of the West. When he had come to the boundary of Turkestan he beheld a pleasant plain with abundance of grass and water. He himself settled here and founded the town of Balasaqun, which is now called Quz-Baligh ;21 and sent out his armies in all directions. In the space of twelve years they had conquered all the climes, leaving nowhere a single rebel or insurgent. And when they had come to a place where they saw men with animal limbs they knew that beyond this there was no inhabitable land; and they returned home bearing with them the kings of the different countries whom they presented to Buqu Khan in that place. He received each of them with the honour befitting his station; except the 20 So in the text, which follows E and reads sbakhst pir ra. All the other MSS. used by M.Q. except A have sbakhst bazar ra or shakbsf bazare some 1000 persons *. A, which is corrupt, seems also to have bazar ra, which is likewise the reading of J and K, the two Bodleian manuscripts, which were not consulted by M.Q. for this part of his edition. J also has 'asaba * staves' for the *asa * staff* of the text. The verbs relating to the apparently plural subject are in the singular except in two MSS. (C and D), which have the plural forms. The whole passage ought then perhaps to be translated as follows: ' Then Buqu beheld in a dream some 1000 persons, clothed in white and holding white staves, etc., etc.* This is how it was understood by Salemann and Marquart except that Salemann's text has 'isabdha * turbans * instead of'asaba so that the 1000 men are described as * wearing white turbans' and not as * holding white staves *. On this passage Marquart, op. cit., 486, comments: * Jene 1000 Manner sind augen-scheinlich Mankhaer, wie schon ihre Kleidung . , . erweist . . ,' 21 The precise position of Balasaqun (BLASAQWN) or Balasaghun is not known: it lay somewhere in the valley of the Chu. See Barthold, Histoire fa lures, 64-5, As for the name Quz-Baligh (I read QZ BALYF for the QR BALYF of the text) it should be noted that according to Kashghari Balasaghun was also known as Quz-Ulush (I, 0*2, ulusb being synonymous with baity 'town') or Quz-Ordu (I, 124). [According to Smirnova, 182, n. 3, the ruins of Balasaghun are situated 24 kilometres to the south-west of Tokmak]. 58 11691-111 11691 Ala Ad Din Ata Malik Juvaini - - THE WORLD-CONQUEROR king of India, whom, because of his hideous appearance, he would not admit to his presence. He sent them all back to their kingdoms and fixed a tribute upon each. Then, as there was no longer any obstacle in his path, he decided to return from thence; and so came back to his former place of abode, The reason for the idolatry22 of the Uighur is that in those days they knew the science of magic, the experts in which art they called qam?* Now there are still to this day among the Mongols people that are overcome with ubna^ and speak vain things, and claim that they are possessed by devils who inform them of all things. We have questioned certain people regarding these qam, and they say: * We have heard that devils descend into their tents by the smoke-hole and hold converse with them, And it is possible that evil spirits are intimate with some of them and have intercourse with them. Their powers are at their strongest just after they have satisfied their natural lust in an unnatural way (az manfaz-i~Uraz)? In a word, these people we have mentioned are called qam ; and when the Mongols had no knowledge or science, they had from ancient times yielded obedience to the words of these qam ; and even now their princes [44] still believe in their words and prayers, and if they engage upon some business they will conclude nothing until these astrologers have given their consent.25 And in a similar manner they heal their sick. Now the religion of Khitai was idolatry. Buqu dispatched a messenger to the Khan [of that country] and summoned the toyins26 to him. When they arrived he confronted the two parties so that they might choose the religion of whichever party 22 lut-pamtL Here used in the sense of Buddhism: but * idol' is derived from Buddha. See Marquart, op. cit., 489. 28 qam is a Turkish word. It is confused by Rubruck with khan or qa'an: * All soothsayers are called cbam, and so all their princes are called cbam, because their government of the people depends on divination." (Rockhill, 108.) 24 In Arabic * the craving of the pathic*. 25 C£ the statement of Rubruck: * They [the diviners] predict lucky and unlucky days for the undertaking of all affairs; and so it is that they never assemble an army nor begin a war without their assent and long since (the Moal) would have gone back to Hungary, but the diviners will not allow it.* (Rockhill, 240.) 26 See above, p. 14, n. 31* 59 11691-112 11691 Ala Ad Din Ata Malik Juvaini - - THE HISTORY OF defeated the other. The toyins call a reading from their [holy] book nom.27 Now the nom contains their theological speculations and consists of idle stories and traditions; but excellent homilies are likewise to be found in it such as are consonant with the law and faith of every prophet, urging men to avoid injury and oppression and the like, to return good for evil and to refrain from the injuring of animals, etc. Their dogmas and doctrines are manifold; the most typical is that of reincarnation. They say that the people of to-day existed several thousand years ago : the souls of those that wrought good deeds and engaged in worship attained a degree in accordance with their actions, such as that of king, or prince, or peasant, or beggar ; while the souls of those that had engaged in debauchery (fsq)9 libertinism (fujHr)j murder, slander and injury to their fellow-creatures descended into vermin, beasts of prey and other animals ; and so they are punished for their deeds. But then ignorance is [everywhere] in the ascendant : ' they say that which they do not' When they had read certain noms, the qam were completely dumbfounded. For this reason the Uighur adopted idolatry as their religion, and most of the other tribes followed their example, And there are none more bigoted than the idolaters of the East, and none more hostile to Islam. As for Buqu Khan he lived happily until the time when he passed away. [45] And these lies which we have recorded are but few out of many and but a hundredth of what might have been related. Our purpose in recording them was to expose the ignorance and folly of this people. A friend has told us that he read in a book how there was a man, who made a hollow in the space between the two trees, and placed his own children in it, and lighted candles in the middle of it. Then he brought people to see this wonder, and worshipped it, and commanded them to do likewise. And so he deceived them until he had dug up the ground and fetched out the children. 27 The Buddhist dharm. See Marquart, loc. at. nom is the Greek which passed through Soghdian into the Uighur and Mongol languages : to-day it is the ordinary Mongol word for * book *. 60 11691-113 11691 Ala Ad Din Ata Malik Juvaini - - THE WORLD-CONQUEROR After Buqu's death he was succeeded by one of his sons. The tribes and peoples of the Uighur, when they listened to the neighing of horses, the screaming of camels* the barking and howling of dogs and beasts of prey, the lowing of cattle, the bleating of sheep, the twittering of birds and the whimpering of children, in all this heard the cry ofe kocb, kocb I *28 and would move on from their halting-place. And wherever they halted the cry off kocb, kocb! * would reach their ears. Finally they came to the plain where they afterwards built Besh-Baligh, and here that cry was silenced; and here they settled down and built five quarters and called them Besh-BaHgh:m they gradually became one long and wide space. And from that time their posterity have been princes, and they call their prince idi-qut. And that family tree, which is an accursed tree,30 is fastened upon the wall in their houses. [VIII] [46] OF KUCHLUG AND TOQ-TOGHAN 1 WHEN Chingiz-Khan had defeated Ong-Khan, the tatter's son* succeeded in escaping together with some others that had 28 I.e. * move, move ! * 29 Besh-Baligh meaning literally * Five Towns *. See above, p. 47, n. 16. 30 Cf.e the cursed tree of the Koran * (Koran, xvii, 62), i.e. the tree az-Zaqqum. ' It is a tree which cometh up from the bottom of hell; Its fruit is as it were the heads of Satans; and lo I the damned shall surely eat of \tt and Jill their bellies with it! (Ibid., xxxvii, 62-4.) 1 TWQ IT AN (E has TWQ IT AN, II, 101). The name itself is unquestionably to be identified with that of the Merkit chieftain, the Toqto'a Beki of the Secret History and the Toqta of Rashid-ad-Din. Pelliot, Horde d'Or, 67-71, discusses its etymology and concludes that like Toqtamlsh, the name of the antagonist of Tamerlane, it is derived from the Mongol-Turkish verb toqta-, toqto-, € to stop', * to be fixed *. However the form of the name as it occurs in Juvaini seems to have been modified by Turkish speakers to give it an entirely different meaning: " the falcon that has eaten its fill', from toq * satiated * and toghan * falcon'. Pelliot himself, loc. tit, 68, refers to the analogous names of Toq-Buqa and Toq-Temur as being of frequent occurrence in the Yuan shih. As to the identity of the person called by this name Juvaini has confused Toqto'a Beki with one of his sons (Qodu or Qul-Toghan); and in the present chapter Toq-Toghan stands sometimes for the father and sometimes for the son. 2Juvaini's mistake is pointed out by M.Q. Kiichlug was the son, not of 61 11691-114 11691 Ala Ad Din Ata Malik Juvaini - - THE HISTORY OF a large following. He struck the road for Besh-Baligh, and from thence he came to Kucha, where he wandered in the mountains without food or sustenance, while those of his tribe that had accompanied him were scattered far and wide,3 Now some say that a detachment of the gar-khan's4 soldiers took him prisoner and bore him to their master; but according to one report he went of his own free will5 In any case, he remained for some time in the gur-khans service. Ong-Khan, the ruler of the Kereit, but of Tai-Buqa or Tayang-Khan, the ruler of the Naiman. After his father's death in battle (in 1204) he had fled to his uncle Buiruq and upon the latter's death had made common cause with Toqto'a of the Merkit In 1208 (or 1205 according to the Secret History) they suffered a crushing defeat on the upper reaches of the Irtish. Toqto'a was killed and Kiichliig fled to the gur-kban. See the Secret History, § 198, Krause, 28-9, Smirnova, 151-2, 180 and 254. 3 These details are not in Rashid~ad-Din, who simply states (Smimova, 186) that Kiichliig proceeded from Besh-Baligh to Kucha. ^gur-kban was the title of the ruler of the Qara-Khitai. The spelling ktir-kban is perhaps preferable for Juvaini. Cf. the Coirchan of Rubruck (Wyngaert, 205). gur-kban occurs in the Secret History also as the title assumed by the Mongol Anti-Caesar Jamuqa (§ 141) and Giir-Khan was the name of the uncle of Ong-Khan who deposed him for murdering his brothers (§§ 66-7). The meaning of the title according to Juvaini (II, 86; i, 354) is *khan of khans'* In the Secret History gur is always translated by the Chinese fu * universal'. See Pelliot-Hambis, Campagnes, 248. On the other hand, Barthold, Histoire des Turcsf 97, n. i., sees in the first element of the title the Old Turkish ktir or Teiil kur, according to Kashghari, means * brave', * heroic *. kul, which is given by Gabain only as a proper name (Kiil Tigin, Ktil Chor), means * glorieux' according to Pelliot, Neuf notes sttr des questions d'Asie Centmle, 210. The gtir-khan or kur-kbcw was then the Universal, the Heroic or the Glorious Khan. 5 An interesting reference to sources. JRashid~ad-Din (Smirnova, 180) gives the following account of Kiichliig's first meeting with the gtir-khan: * They say that when Kiishlug reached the ordu of diegur-kbati he called one of his followers by his own name and pretending himself to be a groom sat at the entrance at the time when they went to the gfr-ldMut. Giirbesii [the gitr-khatfs wife] came out, caught sight of Kiishlug and said: " Why have you not brought him inside ? ** They brought him in, and the gur-Jebans emirs were offended. Giirbesii was the gtir-kban's eldest wife; she had a daughter called Qunqu, who fell in love with Kushliig. Three days later she was given in marriage to him. She was so masterful that she would not allow the logbtaj to be put on her. She declared that instead of a boghtaq she would wear a nikse like the women of KhitaL* In Qunqu Professor Cleaves (I quote a letter dated the 3ist October, 1955) sees the Chinese title hmg-bou impress*. He suggests that rnkse (for which the B.M. MS, Or, 7628, 5000, has MYLSH, i.e. milse—the passage is absent 62, 11691-115 11691 Ala Ad Din Ata Malik Juvaini - - THE WORLD-CONQUEROR When the Sultan 6 began his revolt against the and the other princes to the east commenced to rebel, and to seek the protection of Chingiz-Khan, and to find in his favour security from the gur-kban's evil; then said Kiichliig to the giir-kban : * My people are many; they are scattered throughout the region of the Emil, in Qayaligh and in Besh-Baligh; and everyone is molesting them. [47] If I receive permission, I will collect them together and with the help of this people will assist and support the giir-kban. I shall not deviate from the path he prescribes and as far as in me lies I shall not twist my neck from the fulfilment of whatever he commands.9 By such deceitful blandishments he cast the giir-kbm into the well of vainglory. And when the latter had presented him with numerous gifts and bestowed upon him the title of Kiichliig-Kban> he leapt forth like an arrow from a strong bow. And when the report of his rise was noised abroad, all those in the army of Qara-Khitai that had some connection with him, set out to join him; and so he penetrated to the region of the Emil and Qayaligh. Toq-Toghan, who was also7 a chief of the Mekrit and had fled before the fame of Chingiz-Khan's onslaught had likewise allied himself with Kiichliig. And from all sides his tribesmen assembled around him. And he assaulted divers places and plundered them, striking one after another; and so he obtained a numerous army and his retinue and army was multiplied and reinforced. Then, turning upon the giir-ktxm, he ravaged and plundered his territory, now attacking and now retreating. And hearing of the Sultan's conquests he sent a succession of ambassadors to him urging him to attack the from Berezin's text) may be a Chin or Jiirchen word. On the headgear known as a boghtaq or boghtagh see below, p. 262, n. 2, 6 I.e. Sultan Muhammad Khorazm-Shah. 7 Implying that Kiichliig, already falsely described as a Kereit, was also a Merkit! The Merkit (Mekrit is a less usual spelling of the name) were a forest tribe and inhabited the region of the Lower Selenga, along the southern shores of Lake Baikal. On the identity of Toq-Toghan see above, p. 11691-116 11691 Ala Ad Din Ata Malik Juvaini - - THE HISTORY OF giir-kban from the west while he himself attacked him from the east; so that between them they might make an end of him. If the Sultan was the first to conquer and destroy, all the gilr-khan's kingdom to Almaligh and Kashghar should be surrendered to him; while if Kikhliig took the lead and bore off Qara-Khitai, then all the territory to the river of Fanakat 8 should be his. Being thus agreed and having formed a compact on these terms, they sent their armies [48] against Qara-Khitai from either side. Kiichlug won the lead; the troops of the giir-kban, who were some distance away, were routed and he plundered the gilr-khans treasures in Ozkend 9 and passed from thence to Balasaqun. Here the gtir-kban was encamped; they joined battle near * Chinuch10 and Kiichliig was defeated and the greater part of his army taken prisoner. He returned to his own country and set about reorganizing his forces. Then, hearing that the gw-kban had returned from his war with the Sultan and had committed excesses against the population, whilst his army had dispersed to their homes; Kiichliig fell upon him like lightning from a cloud, and taking him by surprise made him prisoner and seized his kingdom and his army. He took one of their maidens to wife. Now the Naiman are for the most part Christian ; but this maiden persuaded him to turn idolater like herself and to abjure his Christianity.11 8 Fanakat (or Banakat) lay on the right bank of the Syr Darya near the mouth of the Angren (Ahangaran), but by * the river of Fanakat' the Syr Darya itself is probably meant. 9 Presumably the Ozkend on the Syr Darya between Suqnaq and Jand (see below, p. 87) is meant here, but in any case not the Ozkend in Farghana (now Uzkend in Kirghizia). 10 The text has HYYNWH. The spelling is quite uncertain but the second element of the name is probably the Turkish ttch * edge *, * border *. The phrase translated by * near * (far kanar-t) usually means ' on the banks of, so that *Chinuch could be a river, but it can also mean * on the border of1, in which case *Chinuch might be a region or a mountain-range. 11 According to the passage from Rashid-ad-Din quoted above, p. 62, n. 5, it was Qunqu, the daughter of the jtfr-ibw and Gurbesii, who converted Kiichliig to Buddhism. Elsewhere Rashid-ad-Din attributes his conversion to a wife described as 'a girl of the . . . people, most of whom are . . .', the first blank occurring both in Berezin's text (XV, 60) and in Smirnova (182), while the relative clause is not in Smirnova. 11691-117 11691 Ala Ad Din Ata Malik Juvaini - - THE WORLD-CONQUEROR With thy idol-like face tbou bast male me thy worshipper, end bast charmed me who didst formerly miss up trmttis for me. 3Tis no wonder that thefae of heaven consumetb my liver seeing that be deservetb tbefae who mrsbtppetb an Idol. When he was firmly established in the kingdom of Qara-Khitai he went several times to war against Ozar Khan12 of Almaligh. Finally he took him by surprise in his hunting grounds and put him to death. The rulers of Kashghar and Khotan had previously risen in rebellion and the son of the Khan of Kashghar had been held prisoner by the gur-khan* Kiichliig released him from custody and sent him back to Kashghar; but the nobles of that place plotted against him and slew him at the gates before he could set foot in the town. Thereupon Kiichlug, at every harvest time, would send his troops to devour their crops and consume them with fire. When for three or four years [49] they had been prevented from gathering in their corn, and a great dearth had made its appearance, and the populace were distressed with famine; they then submitted to his command. He betook himself thither with his army; and in every house in which there was a householder he quartered one of his soldiers, so that they were all assembled in one place and under one roof with the inhabitants. And oppression, and injustice, and cruelty, and depravity were made manifest; and the pagan idolaters accomplished whatever was their will and in their power, and none was able to prevent them. From here Kiichliig proceeded to Khotan, and seized that country; whereupon he compelled the inhabitants to abjure the religion of Mohammed, giving them the choice between two alternatives, either to adopt the Christian or idolatrous creed or to don the garb of the Khitayans. And since it was impossible to go over to another religion, by reason of hard necessity they clad themselves in the dress of the Khitayans. God Almighty bath said: ' But who shall fa a forced partaker, if it be without wilfulness> 12 On Ozar (AWZAR) see below, p. 75. According to Jamal al-Qarshi his name was Buzar, See Barthold, Turkestan, 401, Pelliot, Horde d'Orf 185. 65 11691-118 11691 Ala Ad Din Ata Malik Juvaini - - THE HISTORY OF and not in transgression—verily, thy Lord is indulgent, merciful! 13 The muezzins* call to prayer and the worship of monotheist and believer were broken off; and the schools were closed and destroyed. One day, in Khotan, he drove the great imams out on to the plain and began to discuss religion with them. One of their number, the imam ff Ala-ad-Din Muhammad of Khotan, ventured to dispute with him: After undergoing torture he was crucified upon the door of his college, as will be hereinafter described.14 Thus was the Moslem cause brought to a sorry pass, nay rather it was entirely wiped out, and endless oppression and wickedness were extended over all the slaves of the Divinity; who sent up prayers that were blessed with fulfilment, saying: O Lord, when Pharaoh became proud and haughty, being rendered insolent ly what he possessed, Thou wert kind, Who art the Kind, the Knowing, and didst plunge htm in the sea until he perished. How then is it with this man who is not shown to me treating another path than that which he hath ever trodden, Secure from the vicissitudes of Fortune, though Heaven may work its will upon all? Art Thou not aUe to seize him ? Seize him then, and the kingdom shall have been freed.15 It was as though the arrow of prayer hit the target of answer and acceptance; for when Chingiz-Khan set out to attack the countries of the Sultan [50] he despatched a group ofnoyans16 to remove the corruption of Kiichlug and lance the abscess of his sedition. Kiichliig was at that time in Kashghar. The people of Kashghar relate as follows: * When they arrived they had not yet joined battle, when he turned his back and set his face towards flight, and fled away. And each group of Mongols, arriving one after another, sought nothing of us save Kiichliig, 13 Koran, vi, 146. 14 In Chapter IX. 16 From a poem by Ahmad b. Abu-Bakr Katib in which he satirizes Abu-'Abdallah al-Jaihani the Samanid. (M.Q.) 16 According to the Secret History (§§ 202 and 237) and Rashid-ad-Din (Smirnova, 183, Khetagurov, 194) it was the famous general Jebe (Yeme in Juvaini) who was sent in pursuit of Kiichliig. 66 11691-119 11691 Ala Ad Din Ata Malik Juvaini - - THE WORLD-CONQUEROR and permitted the recitation of the takUr and the azm, and caused a herald to proclaim in the town that each should abide by his own religion and follow his own creed. Then we knew the existence of this people to be one of the mercies of the Lord and one of the bounties of divine grace/ And when Klichliig fled, all his soldiers that sojourned in Moslem houses in that town, were annihilated in one moment, like quicksilver upon the ground. And the Mongol army set out in pursuit of Kuchlug; and wherever he halted, they would come up to him; and so they chased him like a mad dog until he came to the borders of Badakhshan and entered the valley which is called Darra-yi-*Dirazi.17 When he drew near to *Sarigh-Chopan,18 he mistook the road (as it was right that 17 Reading DRAZY for the WRARNY of the text (for which D has WRAZY), i.e. the Valley of *DirazL See the following note. 18 Reading^SRl CWPAN for the SRX JWYAN of the text (for which E has SRX CWPAN) in accordance with the version of this passage in Mirza Haidar (Eiias-Ross, 292), which has Sarigh Chupan (SRYF CWPAN) and for the WRARNY of the text (see the preceding note) Darazukhan. Mirza Haidar refers elsewhere (op. dt., 353-4) to Sarigh Chupan (SARYF CWPAN) and adds that * the people of Badakhshan call the frontier [between Badakhshan and Wakhan] Dardzukbdn. The Kashghari call it Sdrigh Cbupdnf On Darazukhan Elias comments (op. dL, 354, n. i): * I expect that the term intended is Darazi-i-Wakbdn or Dardz-Wakban, and that it points to the long narrow valley of the upper Panjah, sometimes known in modern days as Sarigb Chupan or Sarbad.* Juvainfs Darra-yi-*DirazI and *Sarigh-Chopan do not however seem to be identical and the latter may have been some point along the former, conceivably the district of Sarhadd. The valley of the Upper Panja (i.e. the Sarhadd river or Ab-i-Vakhan) is one of the two alternative routes for Marco Polo's journey to Kashghar from the West. See Yule, Tbe Book of Ser Marco Polo} I, 175, also Cordier, Ser Marco Polo : Notes and Addenda, 38 and 39. The other, more northerly route lay along the valley of the Pamir River which rises in Lake Victoria, long regarded after its discovery by Wood as the source of the Oxus; and it is also possible that Kuchlug in his flight from Kashghar, may have followed this route. According to the Secret History (§ 237) he was captured in Sariq-Qol (the text has Sariq-Qun, * Yellow Cliff*, but see Pelliot, Notes sur le ef Turkestan " de M. Barthold, 55). The same name occurs in Rashid-ad-Din (Smirnova, 179 and 183) and has usually been identified with the Sarikol range in Western Kashgharia. It should be noted however that Rashid-ad-Din agrees with Juvaini that Kuchlug was captured and killed on * the frontier of Badakhshan * (Khetagurov, 194, Smirnova, 179 and 183) and that the * valley (darra) which is called Sariq-Qol * is therefore presumably located further west than the Sarikol. In view of these considerations Smirnova has suggested H 67 11691-120 11691 Ala Ad Din Ata Malik Juvaini - - THE HISTORY OF he should do) and entered a valley which had no egress. Some Badakhshani huntsmen were hunting in the neighbouring mountains. They caught sight of Kuchliig and his men and turned towards them; while the Mongols came up from the other side. As the valley was of a rugged nature and the going was difficult, the Mongols came to an agreement with the hunters. * These men/ they said, * are Kiichliig and his followers, who have escaped from our grasp. If you capture Kiichliig and deliver him up to us, we shall ask nothing more of you/ These men accordingly surrounded Kiichliig and his followers, took him prisoner and handed him over to the Mongols; who cut off his head and bore it away with them. The people of Badakhshan received endless booty in jewels and money, and so returned home. And be it remarked that whoever molests the faith and law of Mohammed never triumphs, while whoever fosters it, even though it be not his own religion, advances day by day in prosperity and consideration. [51] If God lights a candle, whoever blows at it only burns his beard. And God Almighty hath said: f How many generations have we destroyed before them ? We had settled them on the earth as we have not settled you, and we sent down the very heavens upon them in copious rains, and we made the rivers to Jtow beneath their feet : yet we destroyed them in their sins, and raised up other generations to succeed them! ™ Thus the region of Kashghar and Khotan up to an area which was under the command of the Sultan became subject to the world-conquering Emperor Chingiz-Khan. (179-80, n. 7) that the reference may perhaps be to the region around the Sangh-Kol (or Sar-i Kol), the * Yellow Lake *, i.e. Lake Victoria, called also by the Russians Zor Kul; and this suggestion finds support in the fact that Wood's Kirghiz informants called the valley of the Pamir * the durah [i.e. darm] of Sir-i-kol *. See Wood, A Personal Narrative of a Journey to the Source of the Oxus, 332. It would appear therefore that Kiichlug's flight westward like Polo's journey eastward lay along the one or the other of these two possible routes. 19 Koran, vi, <5. (58 11691-121 11691 Ala Ad Din Ata Malik Juvaini - - THE WORLD-CONQUEROR As for Toq-Toghan20 he had seceded from Kiichliig doting the latter's ascendancy and had gone to the region of Qam-Kemchik.21 In the trail of his flight Chingiz-Khan dispatched his eldest son Tushi with a large army in order to destroy him: he cleansed away his evil and left no trace of him. As they returned they were followed by the Sultan; and though they refrained from giving battle, the Sultan could not withhold himself but set his face towards the wilderness of error and hallucination. As he was not rebuffed by admonishments they prepared for action. Both sides attacked, and the right wing of both armies routed its opponents. The rest of the Mongol army was emboldened by this success; they attacked the centre where the Sultan was stationed in person; [52] and he was nearly taken prisoner, when Jalal-ad-Din repelled the attackers and bore him out of that strait, What Is finer than a furious male lion, his loins girded before his father ? 22 And the battle continued all that day, and the fighting lasted till the evening prayer, when by the disappearance of the greater luminary the face of the world became as black as the face of evildoers and the back of the earth as dark as the belly of a well. Last night, at the time when the shadow of the earth lay in ambush for the steed of light, I beheld the whole of the inhabitable globe in bkckness like a miserable hovel Thou mightest truly have said that it was a black pavilion raising its head unto the highest heaven. Thereupon they sheathed the sword of combat, and each army rested in its own quarters. The Mongol army then withdrew.23 20 Here Qodu or Qul-Toghan is meant and not Toqto'a Beki (see above, p. 6r, n. i) but the reference is probably to the flight of the MerMt after the battle on the Irtish. 21 Reading QM KMfiK for the QM KBfiK of the text. Qam-Kemchik or rather Kem-Kemchik was the territory between the Kern, i.e. the Upper Yenisei, and its tributary the Kemchik. 22 Sbahwma ed. Vullers, 1632, i. 2408. 23 For a fuller account of the battle see below. 69 11691-122 11691 Ala Ad Din Ata Malik Juvaini - - THE HISTORY OF And when they came to Chingiz-Khan, and he had assayed their bravery and learnt of the extent and size of the Sultan's army, and knew also that there remained no intermediary screen that had not been removed nor any enemy that could offer resistance, he mobilized his armies and advanced against the Sultan. As for the Sultan, during the time that he cleansed the world of dreadful foes, he might have been called Chingiz-Khan's vanguard (yezek) that swept away everything in front of him. For though he did not achieve the complete destruction of the gur-kban, yet he loosened the foundations of his power and was the first to attack him; as it was he also that destroyed other khans and princes. But everything has its limit, and every beginning its end, whose delay or postponement is inconceivable. ' The pen bath dried up with respect to what already is! [IX] OF THE MARTYRED IMAM, 'ALA-AD-DIN MUHAMMAD OF KHOTAN (GOD'S MERCY BE UPON HIM !) AFTER Kiichliig had conquered Kashghar and Khotan and had abandoned the law of Christianity [53] for the habit of idolatry, he charged the inhabitants of these parts to forsake their pure Hanafite faith for unclean heathendom, and to turn from the rays of the light of Guidance to the wilderness of infidelity and darkness, and from allegiance to a merciful King to subservience to an accursed Devil. And as this door would not give way, he kicked it with his foot; and by force they were compelled to don the garb and headdress of Error: the sound of worship and the iqamat was abolished and prayers and takbirs were hushed. After truth hath been male manifest^ do they hope to undo It, truth that is lounA with a knot of which there is no undoing? Meanwhile, in his strength, and ruthlessness, and fury, and tyranny he wished to convince by proof and evidence the Mohammedan imams and the Christian monks, 70 11691-123 11691 Ala Ad Din Ata Malik Juvaini - - THE WORLD-CONQUEROR And when tbou bopest for the mpossiUf, tbou dost tut buiM upon a crumbling slope.1 A proclamation was made in the town, and his command was communicated that all that wore the garb of science and piety should present themselves upon the plain. More than three thousand illustrious imams assembled there, and turning towards them he said: * In all this crowd what man is there who will dispute with me concerning affairs of religion and state, and will not give in to me, and fears neither wrath nor punishment ?* For in his corrupt mind he was convinced that none of those present would dare to refute his words and disprove his argument; and even though anyone should make a beginning, yet for fear of his violence he would restrain himself and not attract to himself the fire of calamity nor be ' like [the sheep] that fag up its death with its own hoof3; but would certify his lies and confirm his falsehoods. But from that multitude there arose the Heaven-aided shaikh, the imam in very deed, * Ala-ad-Din Muhammad of Khotan (may God illuminate his tomb and increase his reward /) ; who approached Kiichliig, seated himself, girded the belt of truth about the loins of veracity and began to dispute about religion. As his voice rose and the martyred imam adduced decisive proofs, knowing that Kuchliig's presence and existence was but nonentity; truth prevailed over falsehood and the wise over the ignorant, and the beatified imam confuted the accursed Kiichliig* ' For the truth speaketh clearly', t>ut the false doth stutter! Consternation, [54] bewilderment and shame overpowered the deeds and words of that wicked man; the fire of wrath arose from the absence of courage; so that his tongue was severed and his speech enchained. Foul ravings, unfit to be uttered regarding the Holy Prophet, poured from his lips, and in this strain he delivered a whole discourse. The truth-speaking imam, convinced that c if the covering were uncovered, I should not fa more certain' and urged on by religious fervour was unable to tolerate or ignore his puerilities and absurdities; but exclaimed,c Dust 1 From a poem by the well-known poet Abul-Hasan cAli b. Muhammad at-Tihami, an elegy on his son. 71 11691-124 11691 Ala Ad Din Ata Malik Juvaini - - THE HISTORY OF be in thy mouth, thou enemy of the faith, thou accursed Kuchliig !' When these hard words reached the ears of that prideful Guebre, that lewd unbeliever, that unclean wretch, he gave command that 'Ata-ad-Din should be seized and forced to abjure Islam and embrace unbelief and infidelity. ' Away, away with bis predictions ! *2 The alighting'place of the divine light will not become the home of a devil. For several days he was kept naked and fettered, hungry and thirsty, and worldly food and sustenance was withheld from him, although he was a guest at the table of' I shall pass the night with my Lord, who will feed me and give me to drink! And this imam of Mohammed was like Salih3 among the people of Thamud, as overcome with grief as was Jacob and tried with the tortures of Jirjis.4 The prophet (peace he upon him!) hath said: 'Affliction is enjoined upon the prophets, and then the saints, and then the most excellent, and then the next most excellent.' He was as patient as Job, and struggled like Joseph in the well of their prison. For the true lover, when in the sweetness of love he tastes the sting of suffering, accounts it a fresh gain and a boundless felicity, and says: * All that comes from thee is sweet, be it cure or be it hurt/ And if poison from the hand of his beloved reaches the palate of the lover's soul, in conformity with the verse, One may eat poison from the hand of a silver-breasted mistress. from the sweetness of his taste he discovers the sweetness of honey and sugar in the bitterness of colocynth and aloes and says: If I were given poison to drink by the hand of my Moved, from her hand poison would le an agreeable drink, And when a luminous heart receives its light from the niche of the divine lamp, every moment [55] it has greater confidence in 2 Koran, xxiii, 38. 3See above, p. 17, n. 40. 4 Jirjis is St. George of England, who besides being a Christian saint has also become a Mohammedan prophet. 72 11691-125 11691 Ala Ad Din Ata Malik Juvaini - - THE WORLD-CONQUEROR faith, even though it be racked and tormented with the pains of torture. Dost thou seek union with thy beloved? Then court affliction; for thorn and rose may both be together. Forsake thyself that thou mayst come to the street of thy beloved; for such affairs may be fraught with danger. Finally, after they had tried every wile that lies in the nature of that misguided people—promises, threats, inveiglements, intimidation and chastisement—and his outer form had not deviated from that which his inner essence was bound up with and composed o£ namely, inquiry, faith, confirmation and certainty; they crucified him upon the door of his school which he had built in Khotan, and he delivered up his soul to God, chanting the creed of His oneness and instructing his fellow-creatures that faith cannot be destroyed by the punishments of the dust-heap of this transient world, nor can it ever be imprisoned in the fire of hell! that it is a complete fraud and a notorious fault to exchange the permanent for the evanescent, and for the dung-hill verdure of this present world, which is but the sport and plaything of children, to barter away the comforts and pleasures of the world to come. God Almighty bath said: ' Life in this world is but a play and a pastime ; and letter surely for men of godly fear mil be the future mansions ! Will ye not then comprehend? } 5 And so he passed from the prison of the world to the paradise of the hereafter, and flew from the lowest alighting-place to the highest abode. Friend hath gone to friend, lover to lover—what in all the world is more beautiful than this ? If a man place his arm around the neck of his purpose, this may be a shield against the blows of calamities. And when this event had fallen out, God Almighty, in order to remove the evilness of Kiichliig, in a short space dispatched the Mongol army against him; and already in this world he 5 Koran, vi, 32. 73 11691-126 11691 Ala Ad Din Ata Malik Juvaini - - THE HISTORY OF tasted the punishment of his foul and wicked deeds and his ill-omened life; and in the hereafter the torment of hellfire. Ill be his rest! And Heresy hath learnt, since the True Guidance hath conquered, that the Hanafite faith cannot be destroyed. God Almighty hath said: e But they that treat them unjustly shall find out what a lot awaiteih them? 6 [X] OF THE CONQUEST OF THE REGIONS OF ALMALIGH, QAYALIGH AND FULAD J1 TOGETHER WITH AN ACCOUNT OF THE RULERS THEREOF DURING the reign of the gur-khan the ruler of this area was one Arslan-Khan2 of Qayaligh, who was assisted in the government thereof by the shahna of the gur-khan. When the giir-khans fortunes began to decline and neighbouring princes were breathing the fire of rebellion, the Sultan of Khotan also revolted against him. The giir-khan led his army against him and at the same time sought aid from Arslan-Khan. This he did with the motive of putting him to death; so that if he too should rebel like the other chieftains, he might rid himself of him once and for all; while if he yielded obedience but treated the Moslems gently and showed no energy in the campaign against Khotan, on this pretext also he might withdraw his neck from the noose of life, Arslan-Khan obeyed his command and hastened to present himself before him. But one of the gur-khan s 6 Koran, xxvi, 228. 1 Fulad or Pulad (it is the Persian word for * steel') was situated, according to Bretschneider, II, 42, * not very far from lake Sairam, perhaps in the fertile valley of the river Bore tal, which discharges itself into the Ebinor'. It is the Bolat of Rubruck, where the * Teuton slaves of Buri' were * digging for gold and manufacturing arms*- (Rockhttl, 137.) 2 Like Ozar of Almaligh the ruler of Qayaligh was a Qarluq Turk. On the Qarluq, who had formerly occupied territory farther to the West, in the Chu basin, see Minorsky, Hududj 286-97. 74 11691-127 11691 Ala Ad Din Ata Malik Juvaini - - THE WORLD-CONQUEROR commanders, Shamur Tayangu3 by name, who had long been on terms of friendship and intimacy with him, informed him of the gtir-kbans intention, and added: * If he makes some attempt against thee, thy house and thy children will also be extirpated. The best course for the welfare of thy children will be for thee to drink poison and so to escape from the affliction of an ill-omened life and an iniquitous ruler. I will then be thy instrument and will establish thy son in thy place.* Having no other refuge or asylum, with his own hand he sipped a fatal potion and gave up the ghost. Shamur, as he had promised, obtained his son's appointment in his place, and the giir-'kban dismissed him with honour, sending a sbabna to accompany him. Such was the state of affairs for some time, until the fame of Chingiz-Khan [57] and his rise to power was diffused abroad. Thereupon, the giir-kban's agent having become tyrannous and cruel in his treatment of the people, he was slain by Arslan-Khan's son, who then made his way to the Court of Chingiz-Khan, where he was received with marks of special condescension and favour. And in Almaligh there was one of the Qarluq of Quyas, a man of great valour, whose name was Ozar 4 and who used to steal the peoples' horses from the herds and to commit other criminal actions, such as highway robbery etc. He was joined by all the ruffians of that region and so became very powerful. He then used to enter the villages, and if in any place the people refused to yield him obedience he would seize that place by war and violence. And so he continued until he took Almaligh, which is the chief town of that region, and subjugated the whole country; as he also captured Fulad. On several occasions Kiichlug marched against him, and was defeated every time; whereupon he sent a messenger to Chingiz-Khan to report on Kiichlug and to announce his own enrolment amongst the servants and liegemen of the world-conquering Emperor. He was encouraged with expressions of favour and attention; and at Chingiz-Khan's command he became allied in marriage to 8 §MWR TYANKW. tayangu in Old Turkish meant * chamberlain *. 4 See above, p. 65, n. 12. 75 11691-128 11691 Ala Ad Din Ata Malik Juvaini - - THE HISTORY OF Tushi. When the foundations of his servitude had been strengthened, in obedience to the orders of Chingiz-Khan he proceeded to Court in person, and was kindly received there. As he departed, having been distinguished with all manner of honours, Chingiz-Khan bade him refrain from the chase lest he should unexpectedly become the prey of other huntsmen; and as a substitute for game he presented him with a thousand head of sheep. Nevertheless, when he returned to Almaligh, he again devoted himself to hunting, being unable to withhold himself from that sport; until one day, being taken unawares, he was trapped in his hunting-grounds by the troops of Ktichliig, who bound him in chains and bore him off with them to the gates of Almaligh. The people of Almaligh closed their gates and joined battle with them. But in the meanwhile they had suddenly received news of the arrival of the Mongol army; and they turned back from the gates of Almaligh and slew their prisoner upon the road. Ozar, although rash and foolhardy, was a pious, God-fearing man and gazed with the glance of reverence upon ascetics. One day a person in the garb of the Sufis approached him saying, * I am come upon an embassy to thee from the Court of Power [58] and Glory; and my message is thus, that our treasures are become somewhat depleted. Now therefore let Ozar give aid by means of a loan and not hold it lawful to refuse/ Ozar arose and made obeisance to the Sufi, while tears rained down from his eyes. Then he ordered one of his servants to bring a balish of gold, which he presented to the Sufi, saying: * Make thy excuses to the Master after thou hast communicated to Him my duty/ Whereupon the Sufi took the gold and departed. After Ozar's death his son Siqnaq Tegin obtained the royal good will: his father's office was bestowed upon him, and he was given one of Tushi*s daughters to wife. As for Arslan-Khan,5 he was sent back to Qayaligh and he 5 As M.Q. points out, this must be, not the Arslan-Khan who had poisoned himself, but his son. He concludes that Arslan-Khan must have been rather an hereditary title than a name. The Secret History, § 235, gives a somewhat dijfferent version of Chingiz-Khan's rektions with the rulers of Qayaligh. It 11691-129 11691 Ala Ad Din Ata Malik Juvaini - - THE WORLD-CONQUEROR too received a royal maiden in marriage. And when Chingiz-Khan marched against the Sultan's empire, he joined him with his men and rendered him great assistance. One of Arskn-Khan's children is still alive. Mengii Qa'an gave him the fief of Ozkend6 and because of the claims of his father to their gratitude he held him in high honour. Siqnaq Tegin, too, was honoured by Chingiz-Khan and was confirmed in the governorship of Almaiigh. On the homeward journey he passed away. He was succeeded by his son in the year 651/1253-4. [XI] OF THE REASON FOR THE ATTACK ON THE COUNTRIES OF THE SULTAN IN the latter part of his reign he had brought about complete peace and quiet, and security and tranquillity, and had achieved the extreme of prosperity and well-being; the roads were secure and disturbances allayed: so that wherever profit or gain was displayed, in the uttermost West or the farthermost East, thither merchants would bend their steps. And since the Mongols were not settled in any town [59] and there was no concourse of merchants and travellers to them, articles of dress were a great rarity amongst them and the advantages of trading with them well known. For this reason three persons, Ahmad of Khojend,1 the son of the Emir Husain and Ahmad Balchikh,2 decided to journey together to the countries of the East, and having assembled an immeasurable quantity of merchandise—gold-embroidered fabrics, cottons, zandanicbi3 and whatever else they was not until his general Qubilai had marched against the Qarluq that Arslan-Khan came to do homage. He was then however favourably received and promised one of the Khan's daughters in marriage. 6 Apparently Qzkend on the Syr Darya. See above, p. 64, n. 9. 1 Now Leninabad in Tajikistan. 2 The spelling is uncertain. The text has BALHYH. 3 The name of a cloth manufactured in the village of Zandana (or Zandan, according to Barthold, Turkestan, 113), some fourteen miles north of Bokhara. 77 11691-130 11691 Ala Ad Din Ata Malik Juvaini - - THE HISTORY OF thought suitable—they set their faces to the road. By that time most of the Mongol tribes had been defeated by Chingiz-Khan, their habitations demolished and the whole region purged of rebels. He had then posted guards (whom they call qaraqchis) upon the highways and issued a yasa that whatever merchants arrived in his territory should be granted safe conduct, while whatever merchandise was worthy of the Khan's acceptance should be sent to him together with the owner. When this group of merchants arrived on the frontier, the qaraqchis were pleased with Balchikh's fabrics and other wares and accordingly dispatched him to the Khan. Having opened out and displayed his merchandise, Balchikh demanded three lalish of gold for pieces of fabric each of which he had bought for ten or twenty dinars at most. Chingiz-Khan was enraged at his boastful talk and exclaimed: * Does this fellow think that fabrics have never been brought to us before ? * And he gave orders that Balchikh should be shown the fabrics from the stores of former khans that were deposited in his treasury; and that his wares should be listed (Jar qalam avarda) and then distributed as plunder, and his person detained. Then he sent for his companions and had their merchandise brought to him in its entirety. Although [60] the Mongols importunately inquired as to the value of their wares the merchants refused to fix a price but said: * We have brought these fabrics for the Khan.* These words were accepted and approved, and Chingiz-Khan commanded that for each piece of gold-embroidered fabric they should be paid a lalisb of gold and for every two pieces of cotton or zandanichi a balish of silver. Their companion Ahmad was also called back and his wares purchased at the same prices; and honour and favour were shown to all three. For in those days the Mongols regarded the Moslems with the eye of respect, and for their dignity and comfort would erect them clean tents of white felt; but to-day on account of their calumny one of another and other defects in their morals they have rendered themselves thus abject and ragged. At the time of these merchants* return Chingiz-Khan ordered his sons* noyaw and commanders to equip, each of them, two 78 11691-131 11691 Ala Ad Din Ata Malik Juvaini - - THE WORLD-CONQUEROR or three persons from their dependents and give them capital of a balisb of gold or silver, that they might proceed with this party to the Sultan's territory, engage in commerce there and so acquire strange and precious wares. They obeyed his command, each dispatching two or three people from his retinue, so that in this way four hundred and fifty Moslems were assembled. Then Chingiz-Khan sent the following message to the Sultan: * Merchants from your country have come among us, and we have sent them back in the manner that you shall hear. And we have likewise dispatched to your country in their company a group of merchants in order that they may acquire the wondrous wares of those regions; and that henceforth the abscess of evil thoughts may be lanced by the improvement of relations and agreement between us, and the pus of sedition and rebellion removed/ When the party arrived at Otrar, the governor of that town was one Inalchuq,4 who was a kinsman of the Sultan's mother, Terken Khatun,5 and had received the title of Ghayir-Khan.6 Now amongst the merchants was an Indian who had been acquainted with the governor in former times. He now addressed the latter simply as Inalchuq; and [61] being rendered proud by reason of the power and might of his own Khan he did not stand aloof from him nor have regard to his own interests. On this account Ghayir-Khan became annoyed and embarrassed; at the same time he conceived a desire for their property. He therefore placed them under arrest, and sent a messenger to the Sultan in Iraq to inform him about them. Without pausing to think the Sultan sanctioned the shedding of their blood and deemed the seizure of their goods to be lawful, not knowing * The text has AYNAL JQ, B AYNAL JWQ and E AYNAL CWQ. It is the diminutive form of the Turkish word ml. * On remarquera que 'inalftq signifie * prince * en jaghatai (a peu pres comme ml) et pourrait done etre en soi un titre aussi Hen qu'un nom/ (Pelliot, Notes sur k " Turkestan " de M. BartMd, 52-3.) 5 I.e. Princess Terken (or Tergen, spelt TRKAN). On this Turkish name or title see Pelliot-Hambis, CampagneSj 89-91. 6 I.e. * the Mighty Khan', gbtytr or rather gayir being the Turkmen (Turcoman) equivalent of the Eastern qadtr. 79 11691-132 11691 Ala Ad Din Ata Malik Juvaini - - THE HISTORY OF that his own life would become unlawful, nay a crime, and that the bird of his prosperity would be lopped of feather and wing. He whose soul hath understanding looketh to the capital of deeds. Ghayir-Khan in executing his command deprived these men of their lives and possessions, nay rather he desolated and laid waste a whole world and rendered a whole creation without home, property or leaders. For every drop of their blood there flowed a whole Oxus; in retribution for every hair on their heads it seemed that a hundred thousand heads rolled in the dust at every crossroad; and in exchange for every dinar a thousand gintars were exacted. Our property was plunder, and our hopes in vain ; our affairs in a state of anarchy, and our counsels hut the advice of one another. And they drove away our leasts of burden and led off our chargers heneath loads that crushed their saddles, Loads of furniture, clothing, money and goods ; what had heen acquired hy purchase and stored up in treasuries. To this hath Fate condemned some of her people; the calamities of some appear a feast to others. Before this order arrived one of the merchants devised a stratagem and escaped from the straits of prison. Having acquainted himself with the state of affairs and ascertained the position of his friends, he set his face to the road, made his way to the Khan and informed him of what had befallen his companions. These tidings had such an effect upon the Khan's mind that the control of repose and tranquillity was removed, and the whirlwind of anger cast dust into the eyes of patience and clemency while the fire of wrath flared up with such a flame that it drove the water from his eyes and could be quenched only by the shedding of blood. [62] In this fever Chingiz-Khan went up alone to the summit of a hill, bared his head, turned his face towards the earth and for three days and nights offered up prayer, saying: * I was not the author of this trouble; 80 11691-133 11691 Ala Ad Din Ata Malik Juvaini - - THE WORLD-CONQUEROR grant me strength to exact vengeance/ Thereupon he descended from the hill, meditating action and making ready for war. And since Kiichliig and Toq-Toghan, the fugitives from his army, lay across his path, he first sent an army to deal with their mischief and sedition, as has been previously mentioned. He then dispatched envoys to the Sultan to remind him of the treachery which he had needlessly occasioned and to advise him of his intention to march against him; so that he might prepare for war and equip himself with thrusting and striking weapons. Now it is a fully established fact that whoever sows a dry root never reaps any harvest therefrom, while whoever plants the sapling of opposition by common consent gathers the fruit thereof namely repentance and regret. And so the beatified Sultan because of the harshness of his disposition and the violence of his custom and nature was involved in grave danger; and in the end his posterity had to taste the bile of punishment therefor and his successors to suffer the bitterness of adversity. If thou doest evil, thou dost punish thyself; the eye of Fate is not asleep. Bizhan's picture is still painted on the walls of palaces; he is in the prison of Afiasiyab. [XII] OF THE ADVANCE OF THE WORLD-CONQUERING KHAN AGAINST THE COUNTRIES OF THE SULTAN AND THE CAPTURE OF OTRAR WHEN the dust of the seditions of Kiichliig and Toq-Toghan had settled and the thought of them had been dismissed from his mind, he equipped and instructed his sons, the great emirs, the noyans and the thousands, hundreds and tens, disposed the two wings and the vanguard, proclaimed a new yasa, and in the year 615/1218-19 commenced the march— [63] With youthful Turkish warriors whose onslaught left the thunder neither sound nor fame; Si 11691-134 11691 Ala Ad Din Ata Malik Juvaini - - THE HISTORY OF Had they passed hurriedly by the house of Qarun,1 by nightfall for very indigence he would not have had the wherewithal of a meal2 They were archers who by the shooting of an arrow would bring down a hawk from the hollow of the ether, and on dark nights with a thrust of their spear-heads would cast out a fish from the bottom of the sea; who thought the day of battle the marriage-night and considered the pricks of lances the kisses of fair maidens. But first he dispatched a party of envoys to the Sultan to warn him of his resolve to march against him and exact vengeance for the slaying of the merchants. For ' be that warnetb hath an excuse \ When he came to the region of Qayaligh, from amongst he princes of that country Arslan-Khan3 (who had previously accepted submission and servitude and had guarded himself against the severity of his punishment by humility and contempt of self and riches, and had then been distinguished with favour) set out from thence with his own men in the Khan's retinue. And from Besh-Baligh there joined him the idi-qut with his followers, and from Almaligh Siqnaq Tegin with men that were veteran warriors; and by these the number of his troops was multiplied. First of all they came to the town of Otrar With awesomeness such that the lightning dared not step forward nor the thunder preach aloud. [64] They pitched his tent (largah) in front of the citadel. Now the Sultan had given Ghayir-Khan fifty thousand men from his auxiliary (famnl) army and had sent Qaracha Khass-Hajib, to his aid with another ten thousand: moreover, the citadel, the outworks (fail), and the town wall had been well 1 Qarun, the Korah of the Old Testament, was proverbial for his great riches. 2 From a famous qasida by Abu-Ishaq Ibrahim b. Muhammad al~Ghazzi in praise of the Turks. (M.Q.) 3 According to Juzjani (Raverty, 1004, 1023-6 and 1054-5) he afterwards collaborated with Tolan Cherbi in the capture of two forts in what is now Northern Afghanistan. 82 11691-135 11691 Ala Ad Din Ata Malik Juvaini - - THE WORLD-CONQUEROR strengthened, and a great quantity of instruments of war collected together. Ghayir-Khan for his part, having made everything ready for battle within the town, posted infantry and cavalry at the gates and himself mounted the wall; where looking forth he bit the back of his hand in amazement at the unexpected sight. For he perceived that the plain had become a tossing sea of countless hosts and splendid troops, while the air was full of clamour and uproar from the neighing of armoured horses and the roaring of mail-clad lions. The air became blue, the earth ebony; the sea boiled with the noise of the drums. With his finger he pointed to the army on the plain, a host to which there was no end.4 The army formed several circles around the citadel; and when all the troops were assembled there, Chingiz-Khan dispatched each of the leaders in a different direction. His eldest son5 he sent to Jand 6 and Barjligh-Kent7 with several tumen of brave and active soldiers; while a number of his commanders were sent to Khojend and Fanakat. He himself proceeded against Bokhara, leaving Ogetei and Chaghatai in command of the army that was charged with the investment of Otrar. As cavalry could be used on every side, the garrison kept up a continuous battle and resisted for a space of five months. Finally, when the position of the people of Otrar had become desperate, Qaracha questioned Ghayir about surrendering and 4 Shabnama ed. Vullers, 473, 11. 633 and 642. For U-jusM darya * tint sea boiled" Vullers has ti-junltd bamun * the plain was set in motion *. 6 Le. Tushi (Jochi). See Chapter XIII for a detailed account of this expedition down the Syr Darya, which is passed over in complete" silence by the contemporary Moslem historians, Ibn-al-Athir, Juzjani and NasawL See Barthold, Turkestan, 39. The Chinese sources, the Sbeng~m cb'm-cheng lu (Haenisch, Die letzten Feldzuge Cinggs Han's und seln Tod, 527) and the Yuan shih (itid., 530, Krause, 37) state simply that Jochi attacked Yang-chi-kan (Yangi-Kent), Pa-erh-chen (Barchin) and other towns. 6 The ruins of Jand are situated not far from Kzyl Orda (the former Perovsk) on the right bank of the Syr Darya, 7 BARJLYT KNT. The Barchin of Carpini and the Parch'in (the Venice edition has the corrupt form Kharch'in) of Kirakos. It lay somewhere between Jand and Sughnaq. i 83 11691-136 11691 Ala Ad Din Ata Malik Juvaini - - THE HISTORY OF delivering up the town to the Mongols. But Ghayir knew that he was the cause of these troubles and could not expect his life to be spared by the Mongols; and [65] he knew of no loophole through which he might escape. Accordingly, he continued to struggle with all his might, knowing conciliation to be inexpedient, and would not countenance surrender. * If/ he said, * we are unfaithful to our master (meaning the Sultan), how shall we excuse our treachery, and under what pretext shall we escape from the reproaches of the Moslems ? * Qaracha, for his part, did not persist in his argument, but waited until When the sun became invisible to the world and the dark night drew its skirt over the day.8 he sallied forth with the greater part of his army from the Sufi-Khana Gate. The Tartar army entered by the same gate during the night and took Qaracha prisoner. When The darkness of the East was dispersed by a perpendicular line from the radiant morning, they bore him to the princes together with some of his officers. The princes saw fit to examine them closely in every manner. Finally, they declared: * Thou hast been unfaithful to thy own master in spite of his claims on thee on account of past favours. Therefore neither can we expect fidelity of thee/ They caused him and all his companions to attain the degree of martyrdom ;9 while all the guilty and innocent of Otrar, both wearers of the veil and those that donned kukh and turban, were driven forth from the town like a flock of sheep, and the Mongols looted whatever goods and wares there were to be found. As for Ghayir, together with twenty thousand brave men and 8 Shahmma ed. Vullers, 474, 1. 653. 9 This was typical of the Mongols' attitude in such cases. Thus Kokochii, the groom of Ong-Khan's son, Senggum, was executed by Chingiz-Khan for having left his master to perish in the desert. (Secret History, § 188.) So too the betrayers of the Conqueror's great rival, Jamuqa, were beheaded for their pains. (Itid., § 200.) On the other hand, Naya'a of the Ba'arin, who had persuaded his father and brother to release a captured Tayichi'ut chieftain, a bitter enemy of Chingiz-Khan, was actually rewarded for his conduct. 84 11691-137 11691 Ala Ad Din Ata Malik Juvaini - - THE WORLD-CONQUEROR lion-like warriors he took refuge in the citadel; and in accordance with the verses The taste of death in a despicable cause is like the taste of death in a gnat cause.1® We are all destined to die, young and old; no one renialneth in this world for ever. they set their hearts upon death and having bid themselves farewell sallied forth fifty at a time and spitted their bodies upon spears and swords. The knees are clamouring on our side and on theirs, the clamour of hungry crocodiles.11 And as long as one of them had breath in his body they continued to fight; and for this reason many from the Mongol army were slain. And so the battle went on for a whole month [66] until only Ghayir and two others were left, and still he continued to do battle and would not turn tail and flee. The Mongol army entered the citadel and confined him to the roof; but together with his two companions he still would not surrender. And as the soldiers had been ordered to take him prisoner and not to slay him in battle, in obeying this order they might not kill him. Meanwhile his companions had attained the degree of martyrdom and he had no arms left. Maidens then handed him bricks from the wall of the palace; and when these too were exhausted the Mongols closed in on him. And after he had tried many wiles, and made many attacks, and felled many men, he was led into the snare of captivity and was firmly bound and placed in heavy chains. The citadel and the walls were levelled with the street and the Mongols departed. And those of the common people and artisans that had escaped the sword they bore away with them, either to serve in the levy (hashar) or to practise their trade. And when Chingiz-Khan had come from Bokhara to Samarqand they proceeded thither 10 From a qasida by Mutanabbi. (M.Q.) 11 Muthallam b. Riyah al-Murri, a poet of the Hamasa. (M.Q.) 85 11691-138 11691 Ala Ad Din Ata Malik Juvaini - - THE HISTORY OF also. As for Ghayir, they caused him in the Kok-Sarai12 to drink the cup of annihilation and don the garb of eternity. Such is the way of high heaven; in the one hand it holds a crown, in the other a noose.13 [XIII] OF THE ADVANCE OF ULUSH-IDIl AGAINST JAND, AND THE CONQUEST OF THAT REGION THE world-obeyed command of the world-conqueror Chingiz-Khan had been issued to the effect [67] that he should free that region from the hands of enemies and that he should be accompanied by emirs representing each of the sons and kinsmen, just as he too had delegated emirs and troops to represent him in the other armies. In the month of ... he put this intention into action and hastened off with a band of warriors like unto Fate, whom no guile can prevent, or to Death, whom no weapon can repel. First of all, upon approaching the town of Suqnaq,2 which lies 12 Apparently a suburb of Samarqand surrounding a palace of this name (which was afterwards given to a palace built for Tamerlane). See Barthold, Turkestan, 412, also below. 13 Shahmma ed. Vullers, 512, 1. 1234, 1ALS AYDY (for which B and D have ALWS AYDY), the Ulus-Idi of Rashid-ad-Din, ' the lord of the ulus', i.e. Tushi (Jochi). See my article, On the Titles Given in Juvaint to Certain Mongolian Princes, 148-52, where I suggest that this title, like Ulugh-Noyan in the case of Tolui, was bestowed upon Jochi after his death to avoid the mention of his real name. Not realizing that Ulus-Idi and Jochi were one and the same person, Rashid-ad-Din (Smirnova, 199-201) has represented the former as a general in joint command with the latter; and Ulus-Idi has been identified by Berezin (XV, 171) with the tfi-qut, the ruler of the Uighur, and by Barthold (Turkestan, 416, n. r) with Jedei Noyan of the Manqut tribe. On the ulus or * peuple-patrimoine' as distinct from the apanage of land, the ywt or nutttuq, see Vladimirtsov, Le regime social ties Mongols, 124 et seqq. 2 SQNAQ. The ruins of Sughnaq or Si'qnaq, known as Sunak-Kurgan, lie some six or seven miles north of the post station of Tumen-Aryk in Kazakhstan. See Barthold, Turkestan, 179. 86 11691-139 11691 Ala Ad Din Ata Malik Juvaini - - THE WORLD-CONQUEROR on the banks of the river near Jand, he sent on Hasan Hajjl3 In advance as his envoy. This Hasan Hajji, In his capacity of merchant, had long been attached to the service of the world-conquering Emperor and was enrolled In the tanks of his followers. After delivering his message, by virtue of his acquaintance and kinship with the Inhabitants he was to give them advice and call upon them to submit so that their lives and property might go unscathed. Having entered Suqnaq he communicated his message but before he came to the advice, the rogues, rascals and ruffians (shaman va aubash va mnud) of the town raised an uproar, and shouting 'Allah akbar ! * did him to death; holding their action for one of holy war and desiring a great reward for the slaying of this Moslem; whereas, in reality, that assault was the cause of the opening of their jugular vein and that violence was the reason for the death of all that multitude. f When the appointed time is at hand, the camel hovers around the water^hoh! When Ulush-Idi received tidings of this, he turned his standards against Suqnaq, and, enflamed with the fire of anger, he ordered his troops to fight in relays from morn till night. For seven days they proceeded as he had commanded and took the town by storm, closing the door of forgiveness and mercy and in avenging one single individual expunging from the record of life almost every trace of their existence. The government of that place was entrusted to the son of the murdered Hasan Hajji that he might gather together the survivors that still remained in odd corners; and advancing from thence the Mongols took Ozkend 4 and Barjligh-Kant, where since [68] the people made no great resistance there was no general slaughter. They next proceeded against Ashnas,5 the garrison of which town consisted mainly of rogues and ruffians (mnud va aubash), 3 Hasan Hajji, as was already suggested by Barthold, op. at,, 414, is probably to be identified with Asan, the Mohammedan trader whom the Mongols encountered at Baljuna. (Secret History, § 182.) 4 See above, p. 64 and n. 9. The precise position of Ozkend is not known: it may Jiave been situated in the Kara-Tau mountains. See Barthold, op. cit., X79- 5 A§NAS. The ruins of Ashnas (known as Asanas) are situated on the left bank of the Syr Darya, 17 miles from the river and 20 from the post station of Ber-Kazan. See Barthold, op. dt., 179, n. 4. 87 11691-140 11691 Ala Ad Din Ata Malik Juvaini - - THE HISTORY OF who fought very bravely so that the greater part of them were martyred. When news of these events arrived in Jand, Qutlugh-Khan, the commander-in-chief, together with a large army which the Sultan had assigned to the defence of that district, complied with the proverb ' He that escapeth with Us bead hath gained thereby': he rose up like a man,6 turned his back in the night-time, set his face to the road, and crossing the river made across the desert towards Khorazm. When the Mongols received tidings of his departure and of the evacuation of Jand by his forces, they sent Chin-Temur7 upon an embassy to the inhabitants. He used conciliatory language but warned them against showing hostility. Since there was no absolute leader or governor in Jand, each man spoke according to what in his eyes seemed right or expedient. The common people raised an uproar and attempted to give Chin-Temur—like Hasan8—an unpalatable potion. Chin-Temur, perceiving their intentions, in a speech fraught with shrewdness, ingenuity, kindness and conciliation allayed their passions by recalling the affair of Suqnaq and the fate of those who had murdered Hasan Hajji; and he concluded a treaty with them saying that he would not allow the foreign army to interfere with Jand. The inhabitants were pleased with the advice and the agreement and did him no injury. Returning to Ulush-Idi he recounted his experiences, the attempt on his life and its aversion by flattery and soft words, and described also the weakness and impotence of the people and the divergence of their views and passions. Although the Mongol army had 6 The expression must be used ironically. 7jNTMWR. The name is Turkish and means * True Iron* from ch'in ' true * and femur * iron *. Cf. the name Edgii-Temur ' Good Iron *, as also the compounds with Mad * steel', Kiil-Bolat (* Glorious Steel') and Mengii-Bolad ('Eternal Steel*). Rashid-ad-Din states in one place (Khetagurov, 141) that he belonged to the Ongiit tribe; elsewhere (Blochet, 37) he reproduces JuvainTs statement (II, 218; ii, 482) that he was a Qara-Khitayan. Barthold, op. dt.} 415, n. i, suggests that he was probably indebted to the Qara-Khitai for his education or else may have been a Qara-Khitayan living amongst the Ongtit. For his further history see below. 8 I.e. both like Hasan Hajji and like Hasan, the son of'AH, who was poisoned by one of his wives. 8*. 11691-141 11691 Ala Ad Din Ata Malik Juvaini - - THE WORLD-CONQUEROR intended [69] to rest at Qara-Qum 9 and not to attack Jaad9 for this reason they turned their bridles thitherward and directed their attention towards the capture of that town. On the 4th of Safar, 616 [2ist of April, 1219] they halted in front of Jand; and the army busied themselves with filling the moat and setting up battering rams, catapults and scaling-ladders upon it. The inhabitants of the town, apart from closing the gates and seating themselves on the walls and embattlements like spectators at a festival, made no preparations for battle. And since the greater part of the citizens had never had any experience of warfare, they marvelled at the Mongols* activities, saying, c How is it possible to mount the walls of a fortress ? * However, when the bridges had been built and the Mongols laid their scaling-ladders against the citadel, they too were moved to action and began to set a catapult in motion; but a heavy stone in falling to earth smashed the iron ring of the very catapult by which it had been propelled.10 Thereupon the Mongols scaled the wall from all sides and threw open the gates. No one was hurt on either side. The Mongols afterwards brought the inhabitants out of the town, and since they had withdrawn their feet from battle they laid the hand of mercy upon their heads and spared their Eves; though a small number of the chief men, who had been insolent to Chin-Temiir, were put to death. For nine days and nights 9 The text has QRAQRWM, i.e. Qara-Qorum, but in II, 101 (ii, 37°), where it is described as * the place of residence of the Qanqli*, M.Q, has adopted the reading of G, viz. QRAQM, and identified it with the Kara Kum desert to the north-east of the Sea of Aral (not to be confused with the other Kara Kum between Khiva and Merv). 10 Cf. a similar episode during the siege of Mexico in 1521. A soldier who had served in the Italian wars undertook to construct * a sort of catapult, a machine for discharging stones of great size, which might take the place of the regular battery-train in demolishing the buildings . . . *. . . At length the work was finished; and the besieged, who with silent awe had beheld from the neighbouring azoteas the progress of the mysterious engine which was to lay the remainder of their capital in ruins, now looked with terror for its operation. The machinery was set in motion; and the rocky fragment was discharged with a tremendous force from the catapult. But, instead of taking the direction of the Aztec buildings, it rose high and perpendicularly into the air, and, descending whence it sprung, broke the ill-omened machine into splinters !' (Prescott, History of the Conquest of Mexico, Book VI, ch. vii.) 89 11691-142 11691 Ala Ad Din Ata Malik Juvaini - - THE HISTORY OF they kept the inhabitants upon the plain, while they looted the town. They then appointed CAH Khoja to the government and administration of Jand and entrusted the welfare of that district to his care. This *Ali Khoja was a native of Qizhduvan u near Bokhara and had entered the service of the Mongols long before their rise to power. He became firmly established in this office and came to be held in high repute; and until the Decree of Death for his dismissal went forth from the Palace of Fate, he continued to occupy that post. To the town of Kent12 there proceeded a commander with one tumen of troops. He captured the town [70] and left a sbahna there. As for Ulush-Idi he proceeded to Qara-Qum. A band of Turcoman nomads,13 some ten thousand in number, were commanded to march against Khorazm with Tainal14 Noyan at their head. After a few days* march their unlucky ascendant caused and instigated them to slay the Mongol whom Tainal had set over them in his stead and to break into rebellion. Tainal, who was marching in advance, returned to quench the flame of their disorder and sedition and slew the greater part of them, though some escaped by a hair's breadth and together with another army reached Merv and Amuya,15 11 Reading Q2DWAN for the QRDWAN of the text The present-day Gizhduvan in Uzbekistan. 12 I.e. Yangi'-Kent (as in the corresponding passage in Rashid-ad-Din, Smir-nova, 200), in Turkish * New Town *: the lankint of CarpinL Its ruins, now known as Jankent, lie * to the south of the Syr-Darya, about three miles from the former Khivan fortress of Jan Qalea, fifteen miles from Kazalinsk'. (Barthold, op. rit.f 415-16.) 13 The Turcomans (in Persian Turkman, in Turkish Turkmen) are the earlier Ghuzz. Both the Seljuqs and the later Ottomans belonged to this branch of the Turkish family. The name according to Deny means something like * Turk pur sang*. See Minorsky, HuduJ, 311. 14TAYNAL. This Tainal Noyan is probably the same as the T'enal Nuin of Grigor, 303. See Cleaves, The Mongolian Names and Terms, 430. It is however also possible to read BAYNAL and identify him with the Benal who accompanied Ghormaghun into Albania and Georgia (Grigor, 296). See Cleaves, op. at, 415-16. 15 Amuya, more commonly known as Amul (not to be confused with the Amul in Mazandaran) was situated on the left bank of the Oxus about 120 miles to the north-east of Merv. See le Strange, Lands of the Eastern Caliphate, 403-4. It is the modern Charjui in Turkmenistan, 90 11691-143 11691 Ala Ad Din Ata Malik Juvaini - - THE WORLD-CONQUEROR where their numbers were greatly increased, as shall be recorded in the proper place, God willing. [XIV] OF THE CAPTURE OF FANAKAT AND KHOJEND AND THE STORY OF TEMUR MALIK1 ALAQ NOYAN, Sogetii and Taqai2 with an army of five thousand men were dispatched to Fanakat The commander of this place was Iletgii 3 Malik. With an army of Qanqli 4 he fought a pitched battle for three days, and the Mongols made no progress until on the fourth day When the sun cast his lasso to the heights, and Fate rose to high heaven their opponents begged for quarter and came forth to make surrender. Soldiers and burghers (arlal) were placed in separate groups; whereupon the former were executed to a man, some by the sword and others by a shower of arrows, while the latter 1 His name means simply * Temiir the malik', not * le Roi de fer * as it is translated by Grousset, L'Empire Mongol 233. 3 All three generals are mentioned in the list of commanders of a thousand in § 202 of the Secret History. Alaq (ALAQ) was the brother of Naya'a of the Ba'arin (on whom see above, p. 84, n. 9; also Khetagurov, 187). Sogetii (SKTW), the Suyiketii Cherbi of the Secret History (on the spelling see PdBot-Hambis, Campagnes, 256), belonged to the Qongqotan (§ 120). According to Rashid-ad-Din (Khetagurov, 168) he was the brother of Kokchii or Teb-Tengri, the shaman (see above, p. 39). This is however inconsistent with the facts as given in the Secret History (be. cit.}9 according to which Suyiketii attached himself to Chingiz-Khan on the morning after the latter's breach with Jamuqa, whereas it was not till some time later, after there had been actual hostilities between the two rivals, that Monglik, the father of Teb-Tengri, came with his seven sons to declare his allegiance (§ 130). As for Taqai (TQAY), he had like Suyiketii joined Chingiz-Khan immediately after the break with Jamuqa (§ 120): he belonged to the Suldiis tribe. On the spelling of his name see Pelliot-Hambis, op. dt, 255. 8AYLTKW. 4 The Qanqli Turks (the Cangitae of Carpini and the Cangle of Rtibruck) were closely associated with the Qipchaq or Comans. 91 11691-144 11691 Ala Ad Din Ata Malik Juvaini - - THE HISTORY OF were drafted into hundreds and tens. The craftsmen, artisans and keepers of hunting animals (ashab-i-javarih) [71] were assigned [to appropriate employment]; and the young men amongst those remaining were pressed into the levy (hasbar). The Mongols then advanced on Khojend. When they arrived before the town, the citizens took refuge in the citadel and found salvation from the calamities of Fate. The commander of the citadel was Temur Malik, of whom it might be said that had Rustam 5 lived in his age he would have been fit only to be his groom. In the middle of the river, where the stream divides into two arms, he had fortified a tall stronghold and had entered it with a thousand fighting men and famous warriors. When the Mongol army arrived they found it impossible to capture the place immediately since it could be reached neither by bowshot nor by mangonel. They therefore drove the young men of Khojend thither in a forced levy (hasbar) and also fetched reinforcements from Otrar, Bokhara, Samarqand and the other towns and villages, so that fifty thousand levies and twenty thousand Mongols were assembled in that place. These were all formed into detachments of tens and hundreds. Over every ten detachments of ten of the Taziks there was set a Mongol officer: on foot they had to carry stones a distance of three parasangs, and the Mongols, on horseback, dropped these stones into the river. Now Temiir Malik had built twelve covered-in barges, the damp felt of the covering being smeared with clay kneaded with vinegar, while eye-holes had been left [to shoot from]. Every day at dawn he would dispatch six of these barges in either direction, and they would engage in fierce conflicts, being unaffected by arrows. As for the fire, naphtha and stones which the Mongols threw in the water he used to get rid of it all; and by night he used to make surprise attacks on them. They tried to put a stop to this harrassing, but to no avail, though both arrows and mangonels were employed. When the situation had become difficult and the moment had come to win fame or merit shame, at the time when the loaf-like disk of the 5 The chief hero of the Skahmma, familiar to English readers from the Sobrat and Rustam of Matthew Arnold. 92 11691-145 11691 Ala Ad Din Ata Malik Juvaini - - THE WORLD-CONQUEROR sun became food in the belly of the earth and the world from darkness was Uke a wretched hovel, he embarked his luggage, goods and kit on seventy boats, which he had prepared for the day of escape, while he himself and a group of his men mounted a barge, held up torches and sped along over the water like a flash of lightning, so that one might have said [72]: A lightning flash has plungd into the darkness Bulling down the curtain of night, a flash like the brandishing of a polished sword. The army moved along the banks of the river, and wherever they appeared in force there he proceeded in the barge and repelled them with arrows which, like Destiny, did not miss their mark. And so he drove the boats on until he came to Fanakat. Here the Mongols had drawn a chain across the river in order to impede the boats. He stuck it one blow and passed through, the armies attacking him from either side until he came to the district of Jand and Barjligh. When news of him reached the ears of Ulush-Idi, he stationed troops in Jand, on either side of the river, constructed a bridge of boats and held ballistas in readiness. Temiir Malik received tidings of the army awaiting him: and when he drew near to Barjligh-Kent, he turned to the desert, leaving the water, and fled like fire upon swift horses. The Mongol army followed close at his heels; and so they continued, whilst he for his part would send on his baggage in advance and remain behind to do battle, wielding his sword like a man. And when the baggage had been removed some distance he would follow on. After he had fought in this manner for several days, most of his men had been killed or wounded; and the Mongols, who grew daily stronger, took his baggage away from him. He was left with only a handful of followers, but still resisted, though to no avail. When the few that still accompanied him had been slain and he had no weapon left save three arrows, one broken and without a point, he was pursued by three Mongols. Shooting the pointless arrow he blinded one Mongol in the eye; upon which he said to the two others: * I have two arrows left. I begrudge using them 93 11691-146 11691 Ala Ad Din Ata Malik Juvaini - - THE HISTORY OF when they are only enough for you two. It is in your best interest to retire and so save your lives/ The Mongols accordingly withdrew; and he reached Khorazm and again prepared for battle. With a group of men he proceeded to the town of Kent, slew the Mongol sbatma and retreated. When [73] he considered it inadvisable to remain any longer in Khorazm, he set out after the Sultan, whom he joined on the road to Shahristana. And for a time, while the Sultan was moving to and fro, he gave proof of his abilities; but after a while he departed for Syria in the garb and character of a Sufi. After some years, when these troubles had subsided and the wounds of Time had been healed, the love of home and country were the cause of his return, nay he was urged thereto by heavenly decree. Arriving in Farghana he lived for several years in the town of Osh,6 in the places of pilgrimage; and being advised of the present state of affairs he used constantly to visit Khojend. There he met with his son, to whom, by the good will of the Court of Batu, had been granted (soyurghamisbt) his father's goods and possessions. Temur approached him and said: * If you sawst thine own father, wouldst thou know him again ?' The son replied: * I was but a suckling when I was parted from him; I should not recognize him. But there is a slave here who would know him.* And he sent for the slave, who, seeing the marks on Temiir's body, certified that it was indeed he. His story was noised abroad, and some other persons, with whom deposits had been made, would not accept him but denied his identity. On this account he conceived the idea of going to Qa'an and being viewed with the eye of his condescension and mercy. Upon the road he met with Qadaqan,7 who ordered him to be put in bonds; and all manner of words having passed between them Qadaqan questioned him concerning his fighting with the Mongol army. 6 Reading AWS for the ARS of the text. Osh, on the upper reaches of the Syr Darya, now lies within the Soviet Republic of Kirghizia. 7 QDQAN. According to Rashid-ad-Din (Blochet, 13), who calls him Qadan, as does also the Yuan sbib (see Hambis, Le cbapitre CVII, 71), he was he sixth son of Cgedei and was brought up in the ordtt of his uncle Chaghatai. 94 11691-147 11691 Ala Ad Din Ata Malik Juvaini - - THE WORLD-CONQUEROR Sea and mountain have seen how I dealt with the illustrious heroes of the Turanian host. The stars bear witness thereto: by my valour is the whole world beneath my feet.8 The Mongol whom he had struck with the broken arrow,, now recognised him; and Qadaqan having questioned him more closely, in replying he neglected the ceremonies of respect that are incumbent on those that speak in the presence of royalty. In his anger Qadaqan let fly an arrow, which was the reply to all the arrows which he had discharged on that former occasion. [74] He writhed in agony and then heaved a sigh; he ceased to think of good or ill.9 The wound proving fatal he was removed from this transient dust-heap to the Abode of Eternity, and escaped from the wilderness of There is no refuge from death ani no escape therefrom. O world, strange are thy deeds, it is thou that breakest and thou too that mendest.10 [XV] A SHORT ACCOUNT OF THE CONQUEST OF TRANSOXIANA TRANSOXIANA comprises many countries, regions, districts and townships, but the kernel and cream thereof are Bokhara and Samarqand. In the Mujam-al-Buldan1 it is stated on the authority of Huzaifa b. al-Yaman of Merv that the Apostle of God (God be gracious to him andgmnt him peace!) said: ' There shall fa conquered a city in Kborasan beyond a river which is called the Oxus ; which city is named Bokhara. It is encompassed with 8 Sbabnama ed. Vullers, 488, 11. 502-3. See also the Introduction, pp. xxix and xxxii. 9Ife*4 503, 1. 1155. 10IW., 489, L 9^4. 1 The work of the celebrated Arab geographer, Yaqut, a contemporary of Juvaini. 95 11691-148 11691 Ala Ad Din Ata Malik Juvaini - - THE HISTORY OF God's mercy and surrounded by His angels; its people are Heaven-aided ; and whoso shall sleep upon a bed therein shall fa like him that draweth his sword in the way of God. And beyond it lieth a city which is called Samarkand, wherein is a fountain of the fountains of Paradise, and a tomb of the tombs of the prophets, and a garden of the gardens of Paradise ; its dead, upon the Resurrection Day, shall be assembled with the martyrs. And beyond this city there lieth holy ground, which is called Qatavan,2 wherefrom there shall be sent seventy thousand martyrs, each of whom shall intercede for seventy of his family and kinsfolk' We shall give a particular account of the fate of these two cities; and as for the authenticity of this tradition, it is confirmed by the fact that the affairs of this world are relative and thate some evil is lighter than other'; or, as has been said : Under all circumstances gratitude best befitteth the slave [of God], for much evil is worse than [simple] evil. Chingiz-Khan came to these countries in person. The tide of calamity was surging up from the Tartar army, but he had not yet soothed his breast with vengeance nor caused a river of blood to flow, [75] as had been inscribed by the pen of Destiny in the roll of Fate. When, therefore, he took Bokhara and Samarqand, he contented himself with slaughtering and looting once only, and did not go to the extreme of a general massacre. As for the adjoining territories that were subject to these towns or bordered on them, since for the most part they tendered submission, the hand of molestation was to some extent withheld from them. And afterwards, the Mongols pacified the survivors and proceeded with work of reconstruction, so that at the present time, i.e. in 658/1259-60, the prosperity and well-being of these districts have in some cases attained their original level and in others have closely approached it. It is otherwise with Khorasan and Iraq, which countries are afflicted with a hectic fever and a chronic ague: every town and every village has 2 The reference is to the disastrous defeat of Sultan Sanjar the Seljuq by the Qara-Khitai in 1141 on the Qatavan steppe to the east of Samarqand. See Barthold, Turkestan, $26. It was the news of this victory over the Moslems that gave rise in Europe to the legend of Prester John. 96 11691-149 11691 Ala Ad Din Ata Malik Juvaini - - THE WORLD-CONQUEROR been several times subjected to pillage and massacre and has suffered this confusion for years, so that even though there be generation and increase until the Resurrection the population will not attain to a tenth part of what it was before. The history thereof may be ascertained from the records of ruins and midden-heaps declaring how Fate has painted her deeds upon palace walls. In accordance with the general expectation the reins of those countries were placed in the competent hands of the Great Minister Yalavach and his dutiful son the Emir Mas'ud Beg.3 By their unerring judgement they repaired the ravages thereof and struck the face of opponents with the saying, e The &mggist may not repair what time hath ravaged*; and Yalavach abolished compulsory service (muan) in the levies (hashar) and the dxng 4 as also the burdens and superfluities of occasional imposts (*avarizat). And the truth of this statement is to be seen in the records of freshness and prosperity (the glittering East of their justice and mercy), which are plainly written on the pages of those countries and are clearly visible in the affairs of the inhabitants thereof. [XVI] OF THE CAPTURE OF BOKHARA IN the Eastern countries it is the cupola of Islam and is in those regions like unto the City of Peace.1 Its environs are adorned with the brightness of the light of doctors and jurists and its 3 Mahmud Yalavach was afterwards appointed by Ogedei to the governorship of Khitai, i.e. Northern China, and his son Mas'ud to that of Uighuria, Khotan, Kashghar and Transoxiana. See Rashid-ad-Din ed. Blochet, 85-6. (M.Q.) Barthold, op. at., 396, n. 3, suggests the identity of Mahmud Yalavach with Mahmud the Khorazmian, who according to Nasawi was one of the leaders of Chingiz-Khan's embassy to Sultan Muhammad. The Secret History also (§ 263) refers to Mahmud Yalavach and his son as Khorazmians (Qurumsht). 4The Turco-Mongol word &tng 'soldier*, 'army* (it forms the second element of janissary, in Ottoman Turkish -you dm,''the new army') is used by Juvaini in the sense of irregular forces collaborating with the Mongols. 1I.e. Baghdad. 97 11691-150 11691 Ala Ad Din Ata Malik Juvaini - - THE HISTORY OF surroundings embellished with the rarest of high attainments. [76] Since ancient times it has in every age been the place of assembly of the great savants of every religion. Now the derivation of Bokhara is from ttukhar, which in the language of the Magians signifies centre of learning. This word closely resembles a word in the language of the Uighur and Khitayan idolaters, who call their places of worship, which are idol-temples, lukbar.* But at the time of its foundation the name of the town was Bumijkath.3 Chingiz-Khan, having completed the organization and equipment of his armies, arrived in the countries of the Sultan; and dispatching his elder sons and the noyans in every direction at the head of large forces, he himself advanced first upon Bokhara, being accompanied by Toll alone of his elder sons and by a host of fearless Turks that knew not clean from unclean, and considered the bowl of war to be a basin of rich soup and held a mouthful of the sword to be a beaker of wine. He proceeded along the road to Zarnuq,4 and in the morning when the king of the planets raised his banner on the eastern horizon, he arrived unexpectedly before the town. When the inhabitants thereof who were unaware of the fraudulent designs of Destiny, beheld the surrounding countryside choked with horsemen and the air black as night with the dust of cavalry, fright and panic overcame them, and fear and dread prevailed. They betook themselves to the citadel and closed the gates, thinking, * This is perhaps a single detachment of a great army and a single wave from a raging sea/ It was their intention to resist and to approach calamity on their own feet, but they were aided by divine grace so that they stood firm and breathed not opposition. At this juncture, the World-Emperor, in accord- 2Le. the Buddhist vibam or monastery. 3 The old Soghdkn name Bumich-Kath, lit. 'land town', i.e. 'capital'. See Marquart, Wehrot und Aung, i62n. 4 Zarnuq * is mentioned in the description of Timur's last march from Samar-qand through the Jiknuta defile to Utrar [Otrar], as the last station before the bank of the Syr-Darya'. (Barthold, Turkestan, 407.) It is also mentioned (in the spelling Zufnukh) as the first stage after Otrar on the return journey of the King of Little Armenia from the Court of Mongke. (Kirakos, 215.) 98 11691-151 11691 Ala Ad Din Ata Malik Juvaini - - THE WORLD-CONQUEROR ance with his constant practice, dispatched Danishmand Hajib upon an embassy to them, to announce the arrival of his forces and to advise them to stand out of the way of a dreadful deluge. Some of the inhabitants, who were in the category of'r Satan gotten mastery over them',5 were minded to do him harm and mischief; whereupon he raised a shout, saying: * I am such-and-such a person, a Moslem and the son of a Moslem. Seeking God's pleasure I am come on an embassy to you, at the inflexible command of Chingiz-Khan, to draw you out of the whirpool of destruction and the trough of blood. [77] It is Chingiz-Khan himself who has come with many thousands of warriors. The battle has reached thus far. If you are incited to resist in any way, in an hour's time your citadel will be level ground and the plain a sea of blood. But if you will listen to advice and exhortation with the ear of intelligence and consideration and become submissive and obedient to his command, your lives and property will remain in the stronghold of security.9 When the people, both nobles and commoners, had heard his words, which bore the brand of veracity, they did not refuse to accept his advice, knowing for certain that the flood might not be stemmed by their obstructing his passage nor might the quaking of the mountains and the earth be quietened and allayed by the pressure of their feet. And so they held it proper to choose peace and advantageous to accept advice. But by way of caution and security they obtained from him a covenant that if, after the people had gone forth to meet the Khan and obeyed his command, any harm should befall any one of them, the retribution thereof should be on his head. Thus were the people's minds set at ease, and they withdrew their feet from the thought of transgression and turned their faces towards the path of advantage. The chief men of Zarnuq sent forward a delegation bearing presents. When these came to the place where the Emperor's cavalry had halted, he asked about their leaders and notables and was wroth with them for their dilatoriness in remaining behind. He dispatched a messenger to summon them to his presence. Because of the great awe in which the Emperor was 6 Koran, Iviii, 20. K 99 11691-152 11691 Ala Ad Din Ata Malik Juvaini - - THE HISTORY OF held a tremor of horror appeared on the limbs of these people like the quaking of the members of a mountain. They at once proceeded to his presence; and when they arrived he treated them with mercy and clemency and spared their lives, so that they were once more of good heart. An order was then issued that everyone in Zarnuq—be he who he might—both such as donned kukb and turban and such as wore kerchief and veil, should go out of the town on to the plain. The citadel was turned into level ground; and after a counting of heads they made a levy of the youths and young men for the attack on Bokhara, while the rest of the people were suffered to return home. They gave the place the name of Qutlugh-Baligh.6 A guide, one of the Turcomans of that region, [78] who had a perfect knowledge of the roads and highways, led them on by a little frequented road; which road has ever since been called the Khans Road. (In the year 649/1251-2, when journeying to the Court of Mengii Qa'an in the company of the Emir Arghun we passed along this very road.) Tayir Bahadur7 was proceeding in advance of the main forces. When he and his men drew near to the town of Nur8 they passed through some gardens. During the night they felled the trees and fashioned ladders out of them. Then holding the ladders in front of their horses they advanced very slowly; and the watcher on the walls thought that they were a caravan of merchants, until in this manner they arrived at the gates of the citadel of Nur; when the day of that people was darkened and their eyes dimmed. It is the story of Zarqa of Yamama.9 She had built a lofty castle, and her keenness of sight was such that if an enemy attempted to attack her she would descry his army at a distance of several stages and would prepare and make ready to repel him and drive him off. And so her enemies achieved nought 6 I.e. * the Fortunate Town'. 7 The Dayir of the Secret History (§ 202) and Rashid-ad-Din. According to the latter (Khetagurov, 168, Smirnova, 275) he belonged to the Qonqotan. 8 Now Nurata in Uzbekistan. 9 I.e. the Blue-Eyed Woman of Yamama. See Nicholson, A Literary History of the Arals, 25. IOO 11691-153 11691 Ala Ad Din Ata Malik Juvaini - - THE WORLD-CONQUEROR but frustration and there remained no stratagem which not tried. [Finally one of them] commanded that should be cut down with their branches and that each horseman should hold a tree in front of him. Thereupon Zarqa exclaimed: * I see a strange sight: the likeness of a forest is moving towards us/ Her people said: * The keenness of thy sight hath suffered some hurt, else how should trees move ?? They neglected to watch or take precautions; and on the third day their foes arrived, and overcame them, and took Zarqa prisoner,, and slew her. To be brief, the people of Nur closed their gates; and Tayir Bahadur sent an envoy to announce the arrival of the World-Conquering Emperor and to induce them to submit and cease resistance. The feelings of the inhabitants were conflicting, because they did not believe that the World-Conquering Emperor Chingiz-Khan had .arrived in person, and on the other hand they were apprehensive about the Sultan. They were therefore uncertain what course to take, some being in favour of submission and surrender while others were for resistance or were afraid [to take any action]. Finally, after much coining and going of ambassadors it was agreed that the people of Nur should prepare an offering of food and send it to the Lord of the Age together with an envoy, and so declare their submission and seek refuge in servitude and obedience. [79] Tayir Bahadur gave his consent and was satisfied with only a small offering. He then went his own way; and the people of Nur dispatched an envoy in the manner that had been agreed upon. After the envoys [sic] had been honoured with the Emperor's acceptance of their offering, he commanded that they should surrender the town to Siibetei,10 who was approaching Nur with the vanguard. When Siibetei arrived they complied with this command and 10 SBTAY. The great Mongol general, who together with Jebe (Yeme) swept across Northern Persia in pursuit of Sultan Muhammad, crossed the Caucasus and, after defeating the Russians on the Kalka, returned to Chingiz-Khan by way of the Qipchaq Steppe. See below, Chapter XXV; also Grous-set, LfEmpire Mongol, 257-61 and 515-21, Le Conquerant du Monde, 340-6. In the Secret History his name is spelt Sube'etei; he belonged to the Uriangqat tribe (ibid,, § 120, Khetagurov, 159). 101 11691-154 11691 Ala Ad Din Ata Malik Juvaini - - THE HISTORY OF delivered up the town. Hereupon an agreement was reached that the people of Nur should be content with the deliverance of the community from danger and the retention of what was absolutely necessary for their livelihood and the pursuit of husbandry and agriculture, such as sheep and cows; and that they should go out on to the plain leaving their houses exactly as they were so that they might be looted by the army. They executed this order, and the army entered the town and bore off whatever they found there. The Mongols abided by this agreement and did no harm to any of them. The people of Nur then selected sixty men and dispatched them, together with Il-Khoja, the son of the Emir of Nur, to Dabus11 to render assistance to the Mongols. When Chingiz-Khan arrived, they went forth to meet him bearing suitable [presents] in the way of tuzgbtt I2 and offerings of food (nuzl). Chingiz-Khan distinguished them with royal favour and asked them what fixed taxes (mdl-i-q&mn) the Sultan drew from Nur. They replied that these amounted to 1500 dinars; and he commanded them to pay this sum in cash and they should suffer no further inconvenience. Half of this amount was produced from the women's ear-rings, and they gave security for the rest and [finally] paid it to the Mongols. And so were the people of Nur delivered from the humiliation of Tartar bondage and slavery, and Nur regained its splendour13 and prosperity. And from thence Chingiz-Khan proceeded to Bokhara, and in the beginning of Muharram, 617 [March, I22o],14 he encamped before the gates of the citadel. And then they pitched the king's pavilion on the plain in front of the stronghold.15 11 Dabus or Dabusrya ky on the highroad between Bokhara and Samarqand. The name is preserved in the ruins of Qal'a-yi-Dabus somewhat to the east of Ziaddin. See Barthold, op. dt., 97. 12 Reading TZIW for the TRTW of the text. The Turkish tuz$u, like its Arabic equivalent nuzl, means *food offered to the passing traveller*. The word occurs in Grigor (300) in the form tzgbu. See also Cleaves, The Mongolian Names, 442. 13 Lit. * light * (nur): a pun on the name. 14 In February according to Ibn-al-Athir and Juzjani. See Barthold, op. dt-> 400- 15 Sbabttama ed. Vullers, 474, 1. 651. 102 11691-155 11691 Ala Ad Din Ata Malik Juvaini - - THE WORLD-CONQUEROR [80] And his troops were more numerous than ants or locusts, being in their multitude beyond estimation or computation, Detachment after detachment arrived* each like a billowing sea,, and encamped round about the town. At sunrise twenty thousand men from the Sultan's auxiliary (Mruni) army issued forth from the citadel together with most of the inhabitants; being commanded by Kok-Khan1@ and other officers sech as Khamid-Bur,17 Sevinch-Khan18 and KcshK-Khan." Kok-Khan was said to be a Mongol and to have ied from Chingiz-Khan and joined the Sultan (the proof of which rest with their author); as a consequence of which his affairs had greatly prospered. When these forces reached the banks of the Oxus, the patrols and advance parties of the Mongol army fell upon them and left no trace of them. When it is impossible to/lee from destruction in my manner, then patience is the lest and wisest coum.m On the following day when from the reflection of the sun the plain seemed to be a tray filled with blood, the people of Bokhara opened their gates and closed the door of strife and battle. The imams and notables came on a deputation to Chingiz-Khan, who entered to inspect the town and the citadel. He rode into the Friday mosque and pulled up before the ma^sufa, whereupon his son Toli dismounted and ascended the pulpit, Chingiz-Khan asked those present whether this was the palace 16 C has KWR XAN, i.e. Giir-Khan, and it has been suggested by Baithold, Histotre 4es Turn, 119-20, that this was no other than Chingiz-Khan's old rival Jamuqa, who as the head of a confederation opposed to his former friend received the title o£gur~khan. See Grousset, Le Conquirant du Monde> 132. On the other hand, according to the native sources he had been executed by Chinglz-Khan many years before the campaign against the West. See Grousset, op. cit, 206-10. 17XMYD BWR. Perhaps Harold-Pur. He was a Qara-Khitayan and the brother of Baraq Hajib, the first of the Qutlugh-Khans of Kerman. See below, ii, 476. 18 SWNJ XAN. 19K§LY XAN. His full name was Ikhtiyar-ad-Din Keshli or Kiishlii; he was the Grand Equerry (tmtir-akbur) of the Khorazm-Shah. See Nasawi tr. Houdas, 62 and 80, and Rashid-ad-Din (Smirnova, 191 and 205); also Barthold, Turkestan, 409. 20 From a qasida by Abu-Firas al-Hamdani. (M.Q.) 103 11691-156 11691 Ala Ad Din Ata Malik Juvaini - - THE HISTORY OF of the Sultan; they replied that It was the house of God. Then he too got down from his horse, and mounting two or three steps of the pulpit he exclaimed: * The countryside is empty of fodder; fill our horses* bellies/ Whereupon they opened all the magazines In the town and began carrying off the grain. And they brought the cases In which the Korans were kept out Into the courtyard of the mosque, where they cast the Korans right and left and turned the cases Into mangers for their horses. After which they circulated cups of wine and sent for the singing-girls of the town to sing and dance for them; while the Mongols raised their voices to the tunes of their own songs. [81] Meanwhile, the imams, shaikhs, sayyids, doctors and scholars of the age kept watch over their horses in the stable under the supervision of the equerries, and executed their commands. After an hour or two Chingiz-Khan arose to return to his camp, and as the multitude that had been gathered there moved away the leaves of the Koran were trampled in the dirt beneath their own feet and their horses* hoofs. In that moment, the Emir Imam Jalal-ad-Din 'All b. al-Hasan Zaidi,21 who was the chief and leader of the sayyids of Transoxiana and was famous for his piety and asceticism, turned to the learned imam Rukn-ad-Din Imamzada, who was one of the most excellent savants in the world—may God render pleasant the resting-places of them loth— and said: ' Manlana, what state is this ? That which I see do I see it in wakefulness or in sleep, O Lord ? * 22 Maulana Imamzada answered: * Be silent: it is the wind of God's omnipotence that bloweth, and we have no power to speak/ When Chingiz-Khan left the town he went to the festival musalla and mounted the pulpit; and, the people having been assembled, he asked which were the wealthy amongst them. Two hundred and eighty persons were designated (a hundred and ninety of them being natives of the town and the rest strangers, 21 So according to C, D and E. The text has RNDY. Barthold, op. cit,f 410, reads Zandl with B (ZNDY). 22 Anvari. Quoted also below, ii, 639. 104 11691-157 11691 Ala Ad Din Ata Malik Juvaini - - THE WORLD-CONQUEROR viz. ninety merchants from various places and led him. He then began a speech, in which, describing the resistance and treachery of the Sultan (of which more enough has been said already) he addressed them as follows; * O people, know that you have committed great sins, and that the great ones among you have committed these sins. If you ask me what proof I have for these words, I say it is because 1 am the punishment of God. If you had not committed great sins, God would not have sent a punishment like me upon you/ When he had finished speaking in this strain, he continued his discourse with words of admonition, saying, * There is no need to declare your property that is on the face of the earth ; [82] tell me of that which is in the belly of the earth.* Then he asked them who were their men of authority; and each man indicated his own people. To each of them he assigned a Mongol or Turk23 as lasqaq24 in order that the soldiers might not molest them, and, although not subjecting them to disgrace or humiliation, they began to exact money from these men; and when they delivered it up they did not torment them by excessive punishment or demanding what was beyond their power to pay. And every day, at the rising of the greater luminary, the guards would bring a party of notables to the audience-hall of the World-Emperor. Chingiz-Khan had given orders for the Sultan's troops to be driven out of the interior of the town and the citadel. As it was impossible to accomplish this purpose by employing the 23Reading TRKY with C and E for the YZKY (i.e. yazdf *a patrol9) of the text. 24 The Turkish equivalent of the Arabo-Persian shahna (see above, p. 44, n. 3) and the Mongol darugha or darughachi(n). On the identity in meaning of die Turkish and Mongol terms see Pelliot, Horde d'Or, 72-3, n. I. Both are derived from roots (Turkish has- and Mongol dam-) meaning * to press" but not in the sense of one who * presses', i.e. oppresses, the people but of one who * affixes * a seal. The Turkish term was used by the Russian chroniclers (see Vernadsky, The Mongols and Russia, 220) and also by Carpini: * Bastacos [*bascacos] sive prefectos suos ponunt in terra illorum quos redire permittunt, quibus oportet ut ad nutum tarn duces quam alii debeant obedire. Et si homines alicuius civitatis vel terre non faciunt quod volunt isd bastaki [*bascaki] opponunt eis quod sint Tartaris infideles . . / (Wyngaert, 86.) 105 11691-158 11691 Ala Ad Din Ata Malik Juvaini - - THE HISTORY OF townspeople and as these troops, being in fear of their lives, were fighting,, and doing battle, and making night attacks as much as was possible, he now gave orders for all the quarters of the town to be set on fire; and since the houses were built entirely of wood, within several days the greater part of the town had been consumed, with the exception of the Friday mosque and some of the palaces, which were built with baked bricks. Then the people of Bokhara were driven against the citadel. And on either side the furnace of battle was heated. On the outside, mangonels were erected, bows bent and stones and arrows discharged ; and on the Inside, ballistas and pots of naphtha were set in motion. It was like a red-hot furnace fed from without by hard sticks thrust into the recesses, while from the belly of the furnace sparks shoot into the air. For days they fought in this manner; the garrison made sallies against the besiegers, an4 Kok-Khan in particular, who in bravery would have borne the palm from male lions, engaged in many battles: in each attack he overthrew several persons and alone repelled a great army. But finally they were reduced to the last extremity; resistance was no longer in their power; and they stood excused before God and man. The moat had been filled with animate and inanimate and raised up with levies and Bokharians; the outworks (fosil) had been captured [83] and fire hurled into the citadel; and their khans, leaders and notables, who were the chief men of the age and the favourites of the Sultan and who in their glory would set their feet on the head of Heaven, now became the captives of abasement and were drowned in the sea of annihilation. Fate playtth with mankind the game of the sticks with At W, Or the game of the tM Mowing (know thou!) a handful of millet. Fate is a hunter* and man is naught lut a /arfe.25 Of the Qanqli no male was spared who stood higher than the butt of a whip and more than thirty thousand were counted 25 By the Cadi Abul-Fadl Ahmad b. Muhammad ar-Rashidi al-Laukari. Quoted in the Tatimmat-al-Yatima. (M.Q.) See EghbaTs ed., II, 77. IO6 11691-159 11691 Ala Ad Din Ata Malik Juvaini - - WORLD-CONQUEROR amongst the slain; whilst their small children, the of their nobles and their womenfolk, slender as the reduced to slavery. When the town and the citadel had been purged of and the walls and outworks levelled with the dost, all the inhabitants of the town, men and women* ugly and were driven out on to the field of the musalla. Chingiz-Khan spared their lives; but the youths and full-grown men that were fit for such service were pressed into a levy (hasbar) for the attack on Samarqand and Dabusiya. Chingiz-Khan then proceeded against Samarqand; and the people of Bokhara, because of the desolation, were scattered*-like the constellation of the Bear and departed into the villages, while the site of the town became like ' a level plain'™ Now one man had escaped from Bokhara after its capture and had come to Khorasan. He was questioned about the fate of that city and replied: * They came, they sapped, they burnt, they slew, they plundered and they departed/ Men of understanding who heard this description were all agreed that in the Persian language there could be nothing more concise than this speech. And indeed all that has been written in this chapter is summed up and epitomized in these two or three words. After the capture of Samarqand Chingiz-Khan appointed Tausha Basqaq 27 [84] to the command and governorship of the district of Bokhara. He proceeded thither and the town made some little progress towards prosperity. Finally, when, by the order of the World-Emperor, the latter-day Hatim,28 Qa'an, the keys of government were placed in the solicitous hands of the Minister Yalavach, those scattered and dispersed in nooks and crannies were by the magnet of his justice and clemency attracted back to their former homes, and from all parts of the world people turned their faces thitherward; for because of his 26 Koran, xx, 106. 27 I.e. Tausha the fctf^f The text has TW§A, which might also be read Tusha or Tosha, but <£ below, I, 87, the variant spelling TM§A, i.e. apparently Tamsha. 28 Le. Hatim of Tayyf, a pre-Islamic Arab famous for his generosity and hospitality. See Nicholson, of. dt, 85-7. 107 11691-160 11691 Ala Ad Din Ata Malik Juvaini - - THE HISTORY OF solicitude the prosperity of the town was on the increase, nay it reached its highest pitch and its territory became the home of the great and noble and the place of assembly of patrician and plebeian. Suddenly in the year 636/1238-9 a sieve-maker of Tarab in the district of Bokhara rose up in rebellion in the dress of the people of rags,29 and the common people rallied to his standard; and finally things came to such a pass that orders were given for the execution of all the inhabitants of Bokhara. But the Minister Yalavach, like a good prayer, averted their evil fate and by his mercy and solicitude repelled from them this sudden calamity. And that territory regained its splendour and prosperity and the affairs thereof recovered their lustre. And day by day the bounty of God's favour, by dint of which mercy and compassion everywhere form the carpet of justice and munificence, shines forth like the sun in the mercy of Mahmud and the pearl of that sea, namely Mas'ud.30 And to-day no town in the countries of Islam will bear comparison with Bokhara in the thronging of its creatures, the multitude of movable and immovable wealth, the concourse of savants, the flourishing of science and the students thereof and the establishment of pious endowments. Two edifices of lofty porch and firm foundation that were built in this place at this period are the Madrasa-yi-Khani built by Sorqotani21 [85] and the Madrasa-yi-Mas'udiya, in each of 29 I.e. the Sufis. 30 Le. Mahmud Yalavach and his son Mas'ud. See above, p. 97, n. 3. 31 The Sorqaqtani of the Secret History, Sorqoqtani of Rashid-ad-Din and Seroctan (*Soroctan) of Carpini. She was the younger daughter of Ja-Gamhu, the brother of Ong-Khan, the ruler of the Kereit. After the final defeat of that people Chingiz-Khan gave her in marriage to his youngest son, Tolui, and she became die mother of Mongke, Qubilai, Hulegii and Arigh Boke. The name of this princess is discussed at length by Pelliot in his article, Le vrd nom de Serotan; see also Campagnes, 66-7 and 133. It is the feminine form of a name which appears as Sorqatu in the Secret History and Sorqoqtu in Rashid-ad-Din and is an adjective in -tu from a word sorqa%> sorqoq or sorqw f birthmark *. The meaning of Sorqaqtani, etc., is therefore * she that has a birthmark'. As lor the form of die name in Juvaini, the text has everywhere (except in one instance) SRQWYTY, but there is MS. authority for a form SRQWTNY, which is also the reading of Barhebraeus in both his Syriac and his Arabic history. I see in this form, viz. Sorqotani, the feminine of a form Sorqotu corre- 108 11691-161 11691 Ala Ad Din Ata Malik Juvaini - - THE WORLD-CONQUEROR which every day a thousand students are In studies, while the professors are the greatest of the age and the wonders of their day. And indeed two with their lofty pillars and trim courts at once adorn and Bokhara, nay they are an ornament and delight to all Islam, Under these circumstances the people of Bokhara regained some comfort as well as relief from subventions and similar burdens. May God Almighty adorn the surface of the earth with the continuance of the Just King's being and with the splendour of Islam and the Hanafite faith ! [XVII] OF THE REBELLION OF THE TARABI x IN the year 636/1238-9 there was a conjunction of the two malefic planets2 in the house of Cancer, and the astrologers had calculated that an insurrection would break out and that perhaps a heretic would arise. Three parasangs from Bokhara there lies a village called Tarab, in which there dwelt a man named Mahmud, a sieve-maker, of whom it was said that in stupidity and ignorance he had not his equal. This man began to sham and counterfeit piety and saintliness and claimed to have powers of magic (pan-dan), Le. he asserted that jinns held converse with him and informed him of what was hidden. For in Transoxiana and Turkestan many persons, especially women, claim to have magical powers; and when anyone has a pain or falls ill, they visit him, summon the exorcist (pan-khu/an), perform dances and similar nonsense and in this manner convince the ignorant and the vulgar. spending to the Sorqatu of the Secret History. On the other hand, in one place (H, 219) the text has SRQWQYTY, i.e. SRQWQTNY, the Soiqoqtani of Rashid-ad-Din, and it may be that the normal SRQWYTY is also a corruption of this form. 1 This chapter is the subject of an article by A. Yakubovsky (Vosstantye Tarokt u 1238&) in Twdf Instit. Vostokovel, XVII, 1936.' (V.M.) 21.e. Saturn and Mars. 109 11691-162 11691 Ala Ad Din Ata Malik Juvaini - - THE HISTORY OF Mahmud's sister used to Instruct him in all the absurdities of the magicians (pan-dawn) [86] which he would at once spread abroad. Now what can the vulgar do but follow their ignorance ? And in fact the common people turned towards him, and wherever there was a paralytic or one afflicted In any way they would bring him to Mahmud. It chanced that one or two of the persons that were brought to him in this way were found [afterwards] to bear signs of health ; whereupon most of the people turned towards him, both the nobility and the commonalty, 'save them that shall come to God with a sound In Bokhara I heard from several respectable and creditable persons how In their actual presence he had blown a medicine prepared from dogs* excrement into the eyes of one or two blind persons, and how they had recovered their sight. I replied: c The seeing were blind, or else this was a miracle of Jesus, the son of Mary, and no one else. As God Almighty hath said : ff Thou didst heal the Mind and the leper" 4 As for me, if I should see such things with my own eyes, I should concern myself with the treatment of my eyesight/ Now in Bokhara there was a learned man, renowned for his virtue and descent, whose laqab was Shams-ad-DIn Mahbubi. This man, by reason of his prejudice against the imams of Bokhara, aggravated the disease of that madman and joined the band of his followers, telling that ignoramus how his father had recorded and written in a book that from Tarab of Bokhara there should arise a mighty lord, who should conquer the world ; and had Indicated the signs thereof which were manifest on Mahmud. By this deception the ignorant, foolish man became even more puffed up with pride ; and since these words agreed with the calculation of the astrologers, his followers increased in number, the whole town and region turned towards him, and confusion and unrest became apparent. The emirs and lasqaqs that were present in Bokhara consulted with one another as to the means of quenching the flame of the turmoil and dispatched a messenger 3 Koran, xxvi, 89. 4Jfe?v v, no. 110 11691-163 11691 Ala Ad Din Ata Malik Juvaini - - THE WORLD-CONQUEROR to Khojend to the Minister Yalavach, to acquaint the situation. Meanwhile, under the of a blessing, they went to Tarab and besought Mahmud to to Bokhara that the city also might be adorned with his presence. It had been arranged that when he reached Sar-i-Pel5 near Vazidan he should be suddenly assailed with a shower of arrows. When they set out from Tarab, he observed signs of displeasure in their attitude; and when they drew near to Sar»i-Pul, [87] he turned to Tamsha,6 who was the senior and said: * Desist from thy evil intent, else I will command that without the intervention of human hand thy world-comprehending eye be wrenched out/ When the Mongols heard these words, they said: * It is certain that no one has advised him of our intention; perhaps everything he says is true.* They were afraid, and did him no harm; and so he came to Bokhara and alighted at the palace of Sanjar-Malik. The emirs, grandees and chief men surpassed themselves in showing him honours and attentions, while all the time they sought an opportunity to slay him; but the common people were in the majority and that quarter of the town where he was lodged and the neighbouring bazaar were so filled with people that there was not even room for a cat to pass. The thronging of the people soon passed all bounds; and as they refused to depart without his blessing and there were no ways of entry lei and it was equally impossible for him to come out, he went up on the roof of the palace and rained down spittle upon them. Every person on whom there fell a sprinkling departed to his home smiling and contented. One of the followers of his error then informed him of those people's7 intention; and all at once he stole out of a doorway and mounted one of the horses that were fastened there. The onlookers, being strangers, did not know who he was and paid no attention to him. In one gallop he reached the hill of Abu- 5 Vazidan has not been identified. Sar-i-Pul, * the Bridgehead', is the older Khushufaghn. The ruins of the fortress of this name are situated 4 miles from Katta-Kurgan. See Barthold, Turkestan, 126-7. 6TM§A. Called Tausha above, p. 107. 7I.e. the Mongols'. Ill 11691-164 11691 Ala Ad Din Ata Malik Juvaini - - THE HISTORY OF Hafs; and In one moment a crowd of people were gathered around him. After some rime [the Mongols] sought that foolish man and could not find him. Horsemen galloped in all directions in search of him, until all at once they discovered him at the top of the aforesaid hill. They returned and reported his whereabouts. The common people raised up a shout, saying: * With one stroke of his wings the Master (Khoja) has flown to Abu-Hafs/ And at once the reins of choice felt from the hands of great and small, and the greater part of the people turned their faces towards the open country and Abu-Hafs, and gathered around Mahmud. At the time of the evening prayer he rose up, and turning towards the people spoke as follows: * O men of God, why do you linger and wait ? The world must be purged of the infidel. Let each of you equip himself as best he can, with weapon or tool, staff or club, and set to work.* Upon this all men in Bokhara turned towards him; and that day being Friday he re-entered the town, alighted at the palace of Rabf Malik and sent for the sadrs, grandees and notables of the town. [88] He superseded the chief of the sadrs, nay of the age, Burhan-ad~Din, the seed of the house of Burhan and the last of the race of Sadr-Jahan,8 because he had no defect in reason or virtue; and in his stead he appointed Shams Mahbubi to the office ofsadr. And he insulted most of the grandees and notables and besmirched their honour; some of them he slew but others succeeded in escaping. Thereupon he sought the favour of the vulgar and dissolute (*avamm va wntid) by speaking as follows: * My army is partly visible, consisting of men, and partly invisible, consisting of the heavenly hosts, which fly in the air, and of the tribe of the jinns, 8 On this * dynasty of hereditary raises of the town . . . which from the name of its founder was entitled *f the house of Burhan*'/ see Barthold, op. dt., 326 and 353-4* * The office of rals, head of a town and its neighbourhood, was not infrequently hereditary from father to son ... The ra'Is was the chief person in the town and the representative of its interests; through him the sovereign made known his will to the inhabitants. It is very probable that, at any rate at first, they were nominated from amongst the members of important local families.* (Itii, 234.) 112 11691-165 11691 Ala Ad Din Ata Malik Juvaini - - THE WORLD-CONQUEROR which walk on the earth. And now 1 will to also. Look at the heaven and the earth that you see the proof of my claim/ The initiated amongst his followers to look, and he would say: * Behold ! in such-and-such a place they fly in green raiment, and in the same place they also fly in garments of white/ The vulgar (*aviimm) agreed wich all he said; and whenever anyone said, * I see nothing,9 his eyes were opened with the cudgel. He also kept saying: c God Almighty will send us .arms from the invisible *; and at this juncture a merchant arrived from Shiraz bringing four kbawars of swords. After that the people no longer entertained any doubt as to victory; and that Friday the khutla was read in Mahmud's name as Sultan of Bokhara. When the prayers were concluded he sent to the houses of the great to fetch tents, yurte, carpets and rugs. And the people formed themselves into large bands, and the rogues and ruffians (mnud va aubash) entered the houses of the wealthy and set their hands to pillage and plunder. When night fell, the Sultan suddenly retired to the company of peri-like maidens and heart-ravishing damsels and engaged in pleasant dalliance with them. In the morning he performed the ceremonial purification in a tank of water, in accordance with the verse: Whm she left me she washed me, as though we bal hen applying ourselves to what was wrong,9 By way of seeking favour and a blessing the people divided this water into portions of a maund and a hramsang and made them into potions for the sick. As for the property they had obtained, Mahmud bestowed it on this man and that and shared it out (tafriqa) amongst his troops and associates. [89] When his sister saw his pre-occupation with women and riches, she seceded from his faction, saying: * His cause, which came into being through me, has changed for the worse/ Meanwhile the emirs and sain, who had read the verse of 9Mutanabbi. (M.Q.) 113 11691-166 11691 Ala Ad Din Ata Malik Juvaini - - THE HISTORY OF * Flight \ assembled in Karminiya,10 and calling together the Mongols that were stationed in that area, they fitted out an army of such troops as could be mustered from every side and advanced on Bokhara. Mahmud, too, made preparations for battle and marched to encounter the Mongol army with a band of market loungers clad only in shirt and izar. Both sides put themselves in battle-array, the Tarabi and Mahbubi standing in their ranks without weapon or breast-plate* Now it had been spread abroad among the people that whoever moved a hand against Mahmud would become paralysed (kbwbk) ; consequently this army too were somewhat slow in stretching their hands to sword and bow. Nevertheless, one of their number let fly an arrow, which struck him in a vital part, while another of them shot Mahbubi also ; but no one was aware of this either of his own people or of their other opponents. At this juncture a strong wind arose and the dust was stirred up to such an extent that they could not see one another. The enemy thought that this was one of the Tarabf s miracles; and they withdrew their hands from battle and set their faces towards flight, with the Tarabfs army at their heels. The people of the country districts issuing forth from their villages fell upon the fugitives with spades and axes; and whenever they came upon one of their number, especially if he was a tax-gatherer or landowner, they seized him and battered in his head with their axes. They followed the Mongols as far as Karminiya, and nearly ten thousand were slain. When the followers of the Tarabi returned from the pursuit, they could not find him and said: * The Master has retired into the unseen; until he re-appears his two brothers Muhammad and 11691-167 11691 Ala Ad Din Ata Malik Juvaini - - THE WORLD-CONQUEROR Mongols. [90] Again these foolish persons advanced men into the open country and drew op in battle-array completely unarmoured. At the first discharge of arrows both misguided fellows were killed, and about twenty thousand others were also slain on this occasion. The next day, after the swordsmen of dawn had cloven the skull of night, the people of Bokhara, both men and women, were driven out Into the open; and the Mongols sharpened the tooth of revenge and opened the jaws of greed, saying: * Again we will strike a blow, and satisfy our appetite, and turn these people Into fuel for the fire of calamity, and carry off their property and their children.* It was only the divine grace and favour that through the agency of Mahmud's13 mercy rendered the end of this disturbance as praiseworthy as his name 14 and the ascendant of the town once more auspicious.15 When he arrived he checked and prohibited their massacring and looting, saying: * Because of the wickedness of a few how can you slay so many thousands ? And how can you destroy a city which we have so long endeavoured to restore to its prosperity because of a few ignorant people ? * After much importunity, exertion and insistence he agreed that the matter should be referred to Qa*an and that whatever order he might give should be put into execution. Afterwards he dispatched messengers to the Emperor and exerted great efforts, so that the latter passed over the fault which had no possibility of forgiveness and spared their lives. And because of that endeavour he earned praise and thanks. [XVIII] OF THE CONQUEST OF SAMARQAND IT was the greatest of the countries of the Sultan's empire In width of territory, the most pleasant of his lands in fertility of 13 Le. Mahmud Yalavach's. 14 Mahmud means * praiseworthy'. 15 mof'uJ. A pun on Mas'ud, the name of Mahmud's son. 11691-168 11691 Ala Ad Din Ata Malik Juvaini - - THE HISTORY OF soil and, by common consent, the most delectable of the paradises of this world among the four Edens. If it is said that a ^aralise is to h seen in this world, then the paradise of ibis world is Samarkand. O tbon who comparest the land of Balkh therewith, are cohcynib and candy equal to one mother? 1 Its air inclines to mildness, its water is embraced in the favour of the North wind and its earth by the force of its exhilaration has acquired the property of the fire of wine.2 [91] A country whose stones are jewels, whose soil is musk and whose ram water is strong wine.3 When the Sultan withdrew from the conflict, the control of firmness having slipped from his hands and the attraction of constancy having been replaced by that of flight, while perplexity and doubt had taken abode in his nature; he deputed the protection of most of his lands and territories to his generals (qwvid) and allies (ansar). Thus to Samarqand he has assigned a hundred and ten thousand men, of whom sixty thousand were Turks, with their khans, who were the Sultan's 61ite and such that had Isfandiyar4 of the brazen body felt the prick of their arrows and the thrust of their lances, he would have had no resource but [to acknowledge] his weakness and [beg for] quarter. The rest of the army consisted of fifty thousand Taziks,5 1 Attributed by Yaqut—under Samarqand--to Busti, i.e. apparently Abul-Fath Busti (M.Q.) 2 The word for * fire * does not occur in A and is not required by the sense. It is introduced in accordance with the figure known as tw&sttb (see below, p. 117, n. 7): three of the elements having been mentioned the fourth must somehow be mentioned too. s From a qasida by Abu-Sa'id ar-Rustami in praise of Sahib b.'Abbad: the poet is praising Isfahan. (M.Q.) 4 Isfandiyar, a celebrated hero of the National Epic. The son of Gushtasp, the patron of Zoroaster, he is ordered by his father to make war on Rustam, who had refused to accept the new religion; and the skying of Isfandiyar is the last geste of the aged hero, who soon after meets his own end through the treachery of a brother. 5 Tazik or Tajik was the term applied by the Turks to the Iranians. Cf. the modern Tajikistan. Actually taztk or tazi is a Persian word and was applied by the Persians themselves to the Arabs: hence Ta-shikf the Chinese name for the Arabs. 116 11691-169 11691 Ala Ad Din Ata Malik Juvaini - - THE WORLD-CONQUEROR picked men each of whom was in himself the Rustam of the age and the cream of the armies; together with twenty elephants of perfect shape and <£V-like appearance, Who twisted columns mi pkyel with Ani won coats of mml that exhibited colours,* to be a protection (f&rzin-kand) 7 to the king*s horse and foot upon the field of battle, that they might not avert their faces from attack and assault. Moreover, the numbers of the townspeople themselves were such as to be beyond computation. And in addition to all this, the citadel had been greatly strengthened, several lines of outworks (ftfil) had been drawn around it, the walls had been raised to the Pleiades and the moat sunk through the dry earth to the water beneath. When Chingiz-Khan arrived at Otrar the news had been spread abroad of the strengthening of the walls and the citadel of Samarqand and the great size of its garrison; and everyone was of the opinion that it would be a matter of years before the town could be taken, to say nothing of the citadel Following the path of circumspection he held it expedient to purge the surrounding country before proceeding against the town. First of all, he advanced against Bokhara [92], and when his mind had been set at rest by the capture of that city, he concerned himself with the question of Samarqand. Turning his reins in that direction he drove before him a great levy raised in Bokhara; and whenever the villages on his path submitted, he in no way molested them; but wherever they offered resistance, as In Sar-i-Pul and Dabusiya, he left troops to besiege them, while he himself made no halt until he reached Samarqand. When his sons had disposed of the affair of Otrar, they too arrived with a levy raised in that town; they chose the Kok-Sarai for eFrom a qasida by Badf-az-Zaman of Hamadan in praise of Sultan Mahmud ofGhazna. (M.Q.) 7 Lit. ' a check to the king by the queen at chess *. The whole passage is an example of the figure called tanasul: the mention of 'ftl * elephant'» in chess * bishop *, involves the introduction of the other chessmen; ask * horse' or * knight *, jnyafa * foot-soldier * or * pawn *, shah * king *, farzin (in farzin-banf) * queen * and nitir' cheek', ' face' or ' castle',' rook'. 117 11691-170 11691 Ala Ad Din Ata Malik Juvaini - - THE HISTORY OF Chingiz-Khan's encampment. The other troops also, as they arrived, encamped round about the town. For a day or two Chingiz-Khan circled the town in person in order to inspect the walls, the outworks and the gates; and during this period he exempted his men from fighting. At the same time he dispatched Yeme and Siibetei, who were two of the great noyans and enjoyed his special trust, in pursuit of the Sultan together with thirty thousand men; and sent Ghadaq Noyan and Yasa*ur8 to Vakhsh and Talaqan.0 Finally, on the third day, when the flare of the sun's flame had risen from the darkness of the pitchy night's smoke and the nocturnal blackness had retired to the seclusion of a corner, so many men, both Mongols and levies, were assembled together that their numbers exceeded those of the sand of the desert or drops of rain. They stationed themselves in a circle round about the town; and Alp~Er10 Khan, Shaikh Khan, Bala Khan and some other khans made a sally into the open, drew up opposite the army of the world-subduing Emperor and discharged their arrows. Many horse and foot were slain on either side. That day the Sultan's Turks engaged in constant skirmishes with the Mongols—for the light of the candle flares up a little before going out—killing some of the Mongol army, [93] capturing others and carrying them into the town, while a thousand of their own number likewise fell. Finally, When for the benefit of the earth the fee of heaven was hidden by the earth's smoke, everyone retired to his quarters. But as soon as the deceitful shield-bearer again struck his sword upon the cloud of night, 8 See above, p. 46 and n. 13. 9 This Talaqan (or Tayaqan, c£ the Taican of Marco Polo), now the town and district of TaHkhan in the Afghan province of Badakhshan, is not to be confused with the Talaqan destroyed by Chingiz-Khan (see below, p. 132), which lay between Balkh and Marv-ar-Rud. There was also a district called Talaqan near Qazvin. 10 ALBAR. Lit. * Brave Man * from the Turkish alp * brave * and er * man' (<">). 118 11691-171 11691 Ala Ad Din Ata Malik Juvaini - - WORLD-CONQUEROR Chingiz-Khan mounted in person his in a circle round about the town. Both inside the troops assembled and made ready for ; up the girth of combat and hostility until the of prayer. From the discharge of mangonels and bows, arrows anc! stones were set in flight; and the Mongol army took up a position at the very gates and so prevented the Sultan's troops from issuing forth on to the field of battle. And when the path of combat was closed to them, and the two parties had become entangled on the chess-board of war and the valiant knights were no longer able to manoeuvre their horses upon the plain, they threw in their elephants; but the Mongols did not turn tail, on the contrary with their King-checking arrows they liberated those that were held in check by the elephants and broke up the ranks of the infantry. When the elephants had received wounds and were of no more use than the foot-soldiers of chess, they turned back trampling many people underneath their feet.11 At length, when the Emperor of Khotan12 had let down the veil over his face, they closed the gates. The people of Samarqand had been rendered apprehensive by this day*s fighting, and their passions and opinions were divergent: some were desirous of submission and surrender, while others feared for their lives; some, by heavenly decree, were restrained from making peace, while others, because of the aura diffused by Chingiz-Khan, were prevented from doing battle. Finally, on the next day When the shining sun spread its glory, and the black raven of the firmament shed its feathers,13 the Mongol troops being bold and fearless and the people of Samarqand irresolute in mind and counsel, the latter put the 11 Another example oftanasub (see above, p. 117, n. 7). The * queen * ffarznt) does not appear in the translation but is found in the original in fdrzm-hnd ' King-checking', whilst the ' king * (shah), also absent from the translation, appears in sbab-swaran * valiant knights *: the * horses * and ' elephants" are of course the * knights" and * bishops" and the * rook * is contained in the phrase w-tqftand (' did not turn tail'). 12 I.e. the Sun. 13 Sbobnam ed. Vullers, 497, L 1049. 119 11691-172 11691 Ala Ad Din Ata Malik Juvaini - - THE HISTORY OF idea of war out of their heads and ceased to resist. The cadi and the sbaikb-al-Islam together with a number of wearers of the turban hastened to approach Chingiz-Khan: they were fortified and encouraged by the breakfast of his promises [94] and with his permission re-entered the town. At the time of prayer they opened the gate of the musalla and closed the door of resistance, The Mongols then entered and that day busied themselves with the destruction of the town and its outworks. The inhabitants drew their feet beneath the skirt of security, and the Mongols in no way molested them. When the day had clad itself in the black garb of the heathen Khitayans, they lit torches and continued their work until the walls had been levelled with the streets and there was everywhere free passage for horse and foot. On the third day, when the unkind, black-hearted juggler of the blue countenance held up the hard, brazen mirror before his face, the greater part of the Mongols entered the town, and the men and women in groups of a hundred were driven out into the open in the charge of Mongol soldiers; only the cadi and the sbaikh~al-I$fam together with such as had some connection with them and stood under their protection were exempted from leaving the town. More than fifty thousand people were counted who remained under such protection. The Mongols then caused a proclamation to be made that if anyone sought safety in the corner of concealment his blood should be forfeit. The Mongols and the [other] troops busied themselves with pillaging; and many people who had hidden in cellars and cavities were [discovered and] slain. The mahouts brought their elephants to Chingiz-Khan and demanded elephant fodder. He asked them what the elephants lived on before they fell into captivity. They replied: * The grass of the plains.9 Whereupon he ordered the elephants to be set free to forage for themselves. They were accordingly released and finally perished [of hunger]. When the king of the heavens had sunk beneath the ball of the earth, the Mongols departed from the town, and the garrison of the citadel, their hearts cut in two with fear and terror, could 120 11691-173 11691 Ala Ad Din Ata Malik Juvaini - - THE WORLD-CONQUEROR neither stand and resist nor turn and flee. Alp Khan/4 however, made a show of valour and intrepidity: the citadel with a thousand desperate men he fought his through the centre of the Mongol army and joined up with the Sultan. The next morning, when the heralds of the Lord of the planets rose up striking their swords, the Mongol army completely encircled the citadel, and discharging arrows and projectiles from either side they devastated the walls and outworks and laid waste the Juy-i-Arziz,1S [95] During the space between the two prayers they took the gates and entered the citadel. A thousand brave and valiant men withdrew to the cathedral mosque and commenced a fierce battle using both naphtha and quarrels. The army of Chingiz-Khan likewise employed pots of naphtha; and the Friday mosque and all that were in it were burnt with the fire of this world and washed with the water of the Hereafter. Then all in the citadel were brought out into the open, where the Turks were separated from the Taziks and all divided into groups often and a hundred* They shaved the front of the Turks* heads in the Mongol fashion in order to tranquillize them and allay their fears; but when the sun had reached the west, the day of their life drew to its close, and that night every male Qanqli was drowned in the ocean of destruction and consumed by the fire of perdition. There were more than thirty thousand Qanqli and Turks, commanded by Barishmas m Khan, Taghai17 Khan, Sarsigh18 Khan and Ulagh " Khan, together with some twenty of the Sultan's chief emirs, whose names are recorded in the yarligh which Chingiz-Khan wrote to Rukn-ad-Din Kart;20 in which yarligb full mention is made of 14 Le. Alp-Er Khan. See above, p. 118. 15 On this famous * leaden watercourse" see Barthold, Turkestan, 85, 89 and 413. 16 BR5MAS. hmhmas in Turkish means * he that does not make peace *. 17 IT AY. 6g&rf, ie. * maternal uncle'. 18 SRSYT. saritgb means * hard *, * rough'. 19 AWLAT, For ulagb 'post horse* see above, p. 30 and n. 14. 20 The progenitor of the Kart dynasty of Herat. See Lane-Poole, The Moham-madan Dynasties, 252. An interesting reference to a written source: it would appear that Juvaini had examined this document in person, 121 11691-174 11691 Ala Ad Din Ata Malik Juvaini - - .THE HISTORY OF all the leaders of armies and countries whom he crushed and destroyed. When the town and the citadel equalled each other in ruin and desolation and many an emir* and soldier, and townsman had taken a sip at the cup of destruction, on the next day, when the eagle which is the heavenly Jainshid 21 had raised its head above the mountain-tops of the earth and the fiery countenance of the sun was lit up upon the round tray of the sky, the people who had escaped from beneath the sword were numbered; thirty thousand of them were chosen for their craftmanship, and these Chingiz-Khan distributed amongst his sons and kinsmen, while the like number were selected from the youthful and valiant to form a levy. With regard to the remainder, who obtained permission to return into the town, [96], as a thanksgiving because they had not shared the fate of the others nor attained the degree of martyrdom but had remained in the ranks of the living, he imposed [a ransom of] two hundred thousand dinars on these suppliants and deputed the collection of this sum to Siqat-al-Mulk and *Amid Buzurg, who belonged to the chief officials of SamarqancL He then appointed several persons to be slrnhnas of the town and took some of the levies with him to Khorasan, while the others he sent to Khorazm with his sons. And afterwards, several times in succession levies were raised in Samarqand and few only were exempted therefrom; and for this reason complete ruin overran the country. This event occurred in Rabie I, 6i8.22 Where are there men of insight to gaze with the eye of reflection and consideration upon the movements of deceitful Destiny and the trickery and cruelty of the vainly revolving wheel; until 21A famous lung of ancient Iran, overthrown and slain by die usurper Zahhak (Dahak). So Jainshid is represented in the National Epic; by the early Arab historians he was sometimes identified with Solomon. He is in fact a figure of Indo*Iranian mythology, the Yima of the Avesta and the Yama of the Vedas. In the present passage of course the name is simply a personification of the sun. 22 A mistake for 617, i.e. May-June, 1220. According to Juzjani (Raverty, 980) Samarqand fell on the loth of Muharram, i.e. the I9th of March, a date more consistent with Juvaini's subsequent statement (see below, pp. 128-9) that after the capture of Samarqand Chingiz-Khan spent the tyring of that year near the town, 122 11691-175 11691 Ala Ad Din Ata Malik Juvaini - - THE WORLD-CONQUEROR they realize that its zephyr is not equal to its simoom, nor its gain commensurate with its loss; that its wine but a hour, but the headache therefrom for ever; that its profit is but wind, and its treasure pain ? O heart, lament not, for this world is only metaphorical; O soul, grieve not, for this abode is only transient. [XIX] OF THE FATE OF KHORAZM * THIS is the name of the region; its original name was Jurjaniya, while the inhabitants call it Urganch. Before the vicissitudes of fortune it stood in the category off Goodly is the country9 and gracious is the Lord!'2 It was the site of the throne of the Sultans of the world and the dwelling-place of the celebrities of mankind; its corners supported the shoulders of the great men of the age, and its environs were receptacles for the raredes of the rime; its mansions were resplendent with every kind of lofty idea, and its regions and districts were so many rose-gardens through the presence of men [97] of quality, great shaikhs being assembled in one place with the Sultans of the age. All that thou wshest is therein, spiritual and temporal —such was the state of that country. Khorazm to me is the best of lands—may Its tain-giving clouds never be ttown away / Happy is that mans face which is greeted hy the shining faces of its striplings I 3 When Chingiz-Khan had completed the conquest of Samar-qand, all the countries of Transoxiana were subdued and his opponents crushed in the mills of calamity, while on the other 1 Khorazm (Khwarazm) is applied here (as often) not to the region but to its capital, Gurganj or Urganch, which lay on the site of the present-day Kuhna-Urganch (Kunya-Urgench), i.e. * Old Urganch'. 2 Koran, xxxiv, 14. 3 Attributed by Yaqut, under Khorazm, to Muhammad b. 'Unain ad-Dimishqi. (M.Q.) 123 11691-176 11691 Ala Ad Din Ata Malik Juvaini - - THE HISTORY OF side the districts of Jand and Bagligh~Kent were secured; so that Khorazm was left in the middle like a tent whose ropes have been cut. Since he wished to pursue the Sultan in person and to purge the countries of Khorasan of his adversaries, he dispatched his elder sons, Chaghatai and Ogetei, against Khorazm together with an army as endless as the happenings of Time and such that the mountains and deserts were filled with its numbers. He commanded Tushi also to send levies from Jand as a reinforcement.4 The princes proceeded by way of Bokhara, sending on ahead as vanguard an army which moved like evil destiny and flew like lightning. At that time Khorazm was deserted by [both] the Sultans, but Khuinar Tegin, one of the leaders of the army and a kinsman of Terken Khatun, was still present; and certain of the chief emirs had likewise remained behind, viz. Moghol Hajib,5 Er-Buqa Pahlavan, the sipabsalar 'AH Durughini6 and a number of others of the same sort, to enumerate whose names were prolixity without utility. [98] Besides these there were so many of the notables of the town and the learned of the age as could be neither counted nor computed; while the number of the inhabitants exceeded that of grains of sand or pebbles. And since in all that great multitude and assembly of mankind no leader had been appointed to whom they might refer upon the occurrence of untoward events and for the administration of affairs of state and the business of the commonweal, and by whose agency they might resist the violence of Fate; Khumar, by reason of his relationship to the royal house, was with one voice elected Sultan and made a Namuz king.7 And they were heedless of the disorder and unrest prevailing 4 It would appear from Jovaini's narrative that, contrary to the testimony of all the other authorities, both Moslem and Far Eastern, Jochi did not take part in person in the siege of Gurganj. 5 See below, p. 158, n. 17. 6 In Nasawi (tr. Houdas, 94) he is called Kuh-i-Durughan (' Mountain of Lies *) * a cause de F&iormite de ses mensonges *. 7 Le, king for a day. It would appear that the ceremonies of the great national festival oCNattruz, or New Year's Day, at the vernal equinox, must at one time have included the election of a kind of * May King'. 124 11691-177 11691 Ala Ad Din Ata Malik Juvaini - - THE WORLD-CONQUEROR in the world and of Fate's assault and of her great and small; until suddenly they beheld a small of horsemen like a puff of smoke, who arrived the of the town and busied themselves with driving off cattle, some short-sighted persons became exultant thinking that they had come in so small a party out of bravado and that they had ventured on such insolence by way of sport. They did not realize that this would be followed by calamities, that after the mountain-top of these calamities would come other mountain-tops, and thereafter torments. A whole world of people, both horse and foot, rushed thoughtlessly out of the gates upon that small troop. The Mongols, like wild game, now started, now cast a glance behind them and ran. Finally when they came to the Bagh-i-Khurram, which lies a parasang distant from the town, they caused Tartar horsemen and men of might and dread and prowess and war to spring forth from the ambush of the wall. They cut off the road before and behind and fell briskly upon them like wolves upon a flock without a shepherd. They dispatched flying arrows against that people and wielding sword and lance they drove them before them: by nightfall they had felled to the dust nearly a hundred thousand souls of fighting men. And in the same fever and excitement, with shouts and cries they cast themselves after them into the city by the Qabilan Gate [99] and advanced like fire to a place called Tanura. As the sun began to set the strange army withdrew by way of caution; but on the next day when the Turkish swordsman raised his head from the ambush of the horizon, the fearless swordsmen and intrepid Turks spurred on their mounts and set their faces towards the town. A certain Faridun Ghuri, who was one of the Sultan's chief generals, awaited them at the gate with five hundred men and preparing to resist deprived those accursed ones (? rujum) of the power to attack. And to the end of that day they continued to struggle and fight. Chaghatai and Ogetei then arrived with an army like a flood in its onrush and like blasts of wind in the succession of its ranks. They made a promenade around the town and sent ambassadors to call on the inhabitants to submit and surrender, 125 11691-178 11691 Ala Ad Din Ata Malik Juvaini - - THE HISTORY OF The whole army then encompassed the town as the circle encompasses the centre and encamped around it in the guise of Fate. They busied themselves with the preparation of instruments of war such as wood, mangonels and missiles therefor. And since there were no stones in the neighbourhood of Khorazm they manufactured these missiles from the wood of mulberry trees. As is their custom, they daily pHed the inhabitants of the town with promises and threats, inducements and menaces; and occasionally they discharged a few arrows at one another, Finally, when the preparations for battle had been completed and the necessary instruments finished, when, moreover, the reinforcements had arrived from Jand etc., they at once set their faces towards war and combat from every side of the town, and raising a yell like thunder and lightning they rained down missiles and arrows like hailstones. They commanded rubbish to be collected and stuffed into the moat; and then the levies were moved forward in a circle (bi-jirg) to demolish the foot of the outworks and cast earth into the eyes of the heavens. When the counterfeit Sultan and leader of the army, Khumar, drunk8 with the wine of adversity, [100] (God Almighty hath said: f As thou livest, O Mohammed, they were bewildered in the drunkenness of their lust')9 beheld the slaughter which they wrought, for fear of abasement his heart was cut in two, and the signs of the Tartar army's victory agreed with his secret surmise; cunning was removed from his nature, and with the appearance of Destiny the face of counsel and deliberation was hidden from him. He descended from the gate, and on this account even greater confusion and disorder prevailed among the people. The Tartar army planted a standard on the top of the wall, and warriors climbed up and caused the earth to ring with their shouts, cries, yells and uproar. The inhabitants opposed them in all the streets and quarters of the town: in every lane they engaged in battle and in every cul-de-sac they resisted stoutly. 8 There is a word-pky on Khumar's name, which is actually Turkish but seems to be derived from the same Arabic root as TAamr * wine *: in fact, kbumr in Arabic means 'drunken headache*. 9 Koran, xv, 72. 126 11691-179 11691 Ala Ad Din Ata Malik Juvaini - - THE WORLD-CONQUEROR The Mongols meanwhile were fire to quarters with pots of naphtha and sewing the to another with arrows and mangonels. And when the cloak of the sun*s light was being wrapped In the tyranny of darkness, they began to return to their encampment* In the morning the people of the town for a while applied themselves to battle In the same manner and bared the claw of conflict with swords arrow and banner* By now the greater part of the town was destroyed; the houses with their goods and treasures were but mounds of earth; and the Mongols, despaired of benefiting from the stores of their wealth. They therefore agreed among themselves to abandon the use of fire and rather to withhold from the people the water of the Oxus, across which a bridge had been built Inside the town. Three thousand men from the Mongol army put themselves In readiness and struck at the centre of the bridge; but the Inhabitants entrapped them there, so that not one was able to return. On this account the townspeople became more energetic In their action and more stubborn in their resistance. On the outside also, the weapons of war became more furious, the sea of battle more raging and the winds of confusion more tumultuous, on earth and in the heavens. Quarter by quarter, house by house, the Mongols took the town, destroying the buildings and slaughtering the inhabitants, until finally the whole town was in their hands. Then they drove the people out into the open; those that were artisans or craftsmen, of whom there were more than a hundred thousand, were separated from the rest; [101] the children and the young women were reduced to slavery and borne off Into captivity; and the men that remained were divided among the army, and to each fighting man fell the execution of twenty-four persons. God Almighty bath said: e So we made them a tale, and scattered them with an utter scattering. Truly, herein are signs to everyone that is patient, grateful!10 The army then busied themselves with plunder and rapine and destroyed what remained of the quarters and houses. Khorazm, which was the centre of battling men and the 10 ltil> xxxiv, 18. 127 11691-180 11691 Ala Ad Din Ata Malik Juvaini - - THE HISTORY OF venue of banqueting women, on whose threshold Fate laid her head and which the phoenix of Fortune made its nest, became the abode of the jackal and the haunt of owl and kite; pleasure was far removed from its houses and its castles were reduced to desolation; so withered were its gardens that one would think that the words * We changed them their gardens into two gardens * n had been revealed concerning their condition. Upon its parks and pleasances the pen of eall that is transient departed* has written these verses: How many horsemen have dismounted alout mf mixing wine with limpid water ; Then in the middle of the morning Fate snatched them away— for mch is Fate, time and again.1* To be brief, when the Mongols had ended the battle of Khorazm and had done with leading captive, plundering, slaughter and bloodshed, such of the inhabitants as were artisans were divided up and sent to the countries of the East. To-day there are many places in those parts that are cultivated and peopled by the inhabitants of Khorazm. The princes Chaghatai and Ogetei returned by way of Kalif,13 which they joined with Khorazm in two days. As for the fighting and killing, in spite of the proverb ' Do as was done before * I have heard of such a quantity of slain that I did not believe the report and so have not recorded it. ' O God, preserve us from all the ills of this world and the torments of the world to come! [XX] OF THE DEPARTURE OF CHINGIZ-KHAN TO NAKHSHAB * AND TIRMIZ 2 WHEN Samarqand had been taken and he had dispatched his sons Chaghatai and Ogetei against Khorazm, [102] he passed 11 Koran, xxxiv, 15. Two gardens ', to complete the quotation, ' of Utter fruit and tamarisk and some few jujube trees* 12 Verses by 'Adi b. Zald al-lbadi, quoted In a long story in the Kital-al Agban, 13 Reading KALYF with Barthold, Turkestan, 437, n. 3, for the KASF of the text. On Kalif, a town on the Oxus (which still exists), see Barthold, op. tit, 80. 128 11691-181 11691 Ala Ad Din Ata Malik Juvaini - - WORLD-CONQUEROR the spring of that year Samarkand and thence to the meadows of Nakhshab. When the summer had come to an end and the fattened and the soldiers rested, he set out for Tlrmiz. Upon arriving there he sent forward messengers to call upon the people to surrender and submit, and to destroy the fortress and citadel, But the inhabitants, encouraged by the strength of the fortress, half of whose walls were raised up in the middle of the Oxus, and rendered proud by the multitude of their troops, gear and equipment, would not accept submission but sallied forth to do battle. Mangonels were set up on either side, and they rested neither day nor night from strife and warfare until upon the eleventh day the Mongols took the place by storm. All the people, both men and women, were driven out on to the plain and divided proportionately among the soldiers in accordance with their usual custom; then they were all slain, none being When the Mongols had finished the slaughter they caught sight of a woman who said to them : * Spare my life and I will give you a great pearl which I have/ But when they sought the pearl she said : * I have swallowed it* Whereupon they iripped open her belly and found several pearls. On this account Chingiz-Khan commanded that they should rip open the bellies of all the slain. "When they had done with looting and slaying he departed to the region of Kangurt 3 and Shuman,4 where he passed the winter. That region also he purged with slaying, and attacking, and sapping, and burning ; and sent armies into the whole of Badakhshan and all that country, and conquered and subjugated 1 Now Karshi in Uzbekistan, 2 The ruins of the medieval city lie near the modern town of the same name (Termez) on the right bank of the Oxus, which here forms the boundary between Uzbekistan and Afghanistan, 3 KNKRT. Kangurt lies to the west of Baljuan on the old Hisar-Kukb road in Tajikistan. (V.M.) 4 Reading §MAN for the SMAN of the text. I take this to be identical with the town and district of Shuman. Minorsky, Hu$ud> 353, suggests that the town may have stood on the site of the later Dushambe, now Stalinabad, the capital of Tajikistan, 129 11691-182 11691 Ala Ad Din Ata Malik Juvaini - - THE HISTORY OF the peoples, some by kindness, but most by severity; so that in all that region there was left no trace of his opponents. And when the season of winter drew to a close he made ready to cross the river. All this occurred in the year 617/1220-21.' [XXI] [103] OF CHINGIZ-KHAN'S CROSSING OF THE RIVER AT TIRMIZ AND THE TAKING OF BALKH BALKH, by reason of the multitude of its produce and its manifold kinds of revenue, was superior to other regions; its territory was more spacious than that of other countries; and in former time it was in the Eastern lands as Mecca in the West. As Firdausi says: He departed unto fair Balkli to that nau-lahar which at that time the worshippers of God Held in as much honour as the Arabs now hold Mecca.1 Chingiz-Khan crossed the river and advanced on Balkh. The chief men of the town came forward professing submission and servitude and bearing all manner of tuzgbu and presents. Whereupon, because a census had to be taken, he gave orders that all the people of Balkh should be brought on to the plain and numbered. But as Jalal-ad-Din was still casting confusion and disorder into those regions and riding his horse on to the field of rebellion and contumacy, the Mongols could place no confidence in their professions of submission, especially in the case of Khorasan. And since the sea of the annihilation of lands and peoples was raging and the tempest of calamity had not come to an end, there was no possible wile whereby they might ward off disaster; and since Destiny held them captive, 1 Sbahnama ed. Vullers, 1496, 11. 15-16. By the nau-bahar or * new vibara' is meant the great Buddhist temple near Balkh, on which see Barthold, Turkes-ton, 77* 130 11691-183 11691 Ala Ad Din Ata Malik Juvaini - - THE surrender availed them not, could on and abasement; [104] while to was a an irremediable pain. Therefore Chingiz-Khan that the population of Balkh, small and great, and boch men and women, should be driven out on to the plain and divided tip according to the usual custom into hundreds and thousands to be put to the sword; and that not a trace should be left of fresh or dry. For a long time the wild feasted on their flesh, and lions consorted without contention with wolves, and vultures ate without quarrelling from the same table with eagles. Eat and rendy O hyaena, snl ttfoict in the jksh of & man who bad no one to help Mm this lay? And they cast fire into the garden of the city and devoted their whole attention to the destruction of the outworks and walls, and mansions and palaces. God Almighty bath said: s There is no city which we will not destroy before the day of Resurrection or chastise it with a grievous chastisement. This is written in the Book!s "....."""When Chingiz-Khan returned from Peshawar and arrived at Balkh, he found a number of fugitives who had remained hidden in nooks and crannies and come out again [after the Mongols* departure]. He commanded them all to be killed and fulfilled upon them the verse, ' Twice will we chastise them!4 And wherever a wall was left standing, the Mongols pulled it down and for a second time wiped out all traces of culture from that region. And their mansions shall weep for them* which were once accustomed to glory. We hegan by gazing on them with admiration and ended ly gazing on them m astonishment^ After Chingiz-Khan had thus disposed of Balkh, he dispatched his son Toli with a large army to conquer the countries 2 From Nabigha Ja'di. (M.Q.) s Koran, xvii, <5o. 4ltefv ix, 102. 5 Attributed by Tha'aEbi in the Tatimmat-al-Yatima to Abu-Bakr 'Abdalkh b. Muhammad b. Ja'far al-A$H, who flourished under the later Samanlds. (M.Q.) See EghbaTs ei, I, 95. M 11691-184 11691 Ala Ad Din Ata Malik Juvaini - - THE HISTORY OF of Khorasan, whilst he himself turned against Talaqan.6 The citadel of that place was called Nusrat-Kuh and apart from its own strength was crammed full of warriors prepared to earn a glorious name. Though he dispatched messengers and envoys and called on them to tender submission, they would not give in but were inclined for nothing but strife and battle. The Mongols drew a circle about the citadel [105] and set many catapults in motion; they bestirred themselves untiringly nor did the garrison rest from their exertions: both sides fought fiercely and Inflicted many wounds on their opponents. The garrison of Talaqan continued to resist in this manner until after Toli had subjugated Khorasan and returned from thence with large forces; when the size of the Mongol army was greatly increased and they took Talaqan by storm, leaving no living creature therein and destroying fortress and citadel, walls, palaces and houses. Of a sudden there came tidings that Jalal-ad-Din had gained a great victory and vanquished Tekechiik 7 and the army under his command. Chingiz-Khan hastened to meet him. The road lay through Gurzivan,8 and on account of the resistance offered by the inhabitants of that place he tarried there a month until he took it and forced down the throats of its people that same draught of slaughter, rapine and destruction which other like peoples had tasted. / Starting from thence the Mongols came to Bamiyan, the inhabitants of which place issued forth in hostility and resistance, and on both sides hands were laid to arrows and catapults. Suddenly, by the thumb of Fate, who was the destroyer of all that people, a quarrel, which gave no respite, was discharged from the town and hit a son of Chaghatai,9 the favourite grandchild eSee above, p. 118, n. 9. 7 TKjWK. Spelt also TKJK (1,106, and II, 136) and TKAjK (II, 197). It is a Turkish word and means * little he-goat'. See Houtsma, Glossar, 68, where it is spelt TKAjWK. 8 Barthold, op. tit., 443, n. 4, suggests that the place in question was probably the fortress of Rang in Gurzivan (Raverty, 1003). There is still a district of Afghanistan called Durzab and Gurziwan. 9 He is called MATYKAN (I, 228; i, 273), i.e. apparently Metiken, Rashid- 132 11691-185 11691 Ala Ad Din Ata Malik Juvaini - - WORLD-CONQUEROR of Chinglz-Khan. The Mongols made the to capture the town, and when It was taken Chingiz-Khan orders that every living creature, from mankind down to the brute beasts* should be killed ; that no prisoner should be ; that not even the child in its mother's womb should be ; and that henceforth no living creature should dwell therein. He gave it the name of Ma*u~B-aIigh, which means in Persian Bad T®wn.w And to- this very day no living creature has taken up abode therein* -This event fell out in the year 6x8/1221-22. [XXII] [l06] OF CHINGIZ-KHAN'S TURNING TO DO BATTLE WITH THE SULTAN FROM Talaqan Chingiz-Khan dispatched Tekechiik and a group of commanders to put an end to Jalal-ad-Din. But the Sultan had been strengthened by the advent of Ighraq l and other warriors from every side; and he utterly defeated the army which had been detailed to destroy him9 because of the paucity of its numbers and the lack of reinforcements. When tidings of this defeat were brought to Chingiz-Khan, he considered day as night, and in his haste reckoned night as day, and travelled two stages at a time, so that it was impossible to cook food. When he reached Ghazna he received tidings that Jalal-ad-Din had departed from thence a fortnight since with the object of crossing the Indus. He appointed Mama Yalavach to be ad-Din (Blochet, 161) calls him MWATWKAN (? Mo'etuken). The name, which does not occur in the Mongol and Chinese sources, is discussed by PelKot, Horde d'Or, 86-7. 10 See above, p. 45, n. 5. 1 Saif-ad-Din Ighraq was a Khalaj Turk, the leader of a large force of Khalaj and Turcomans gathered together at Peshawar. (See below, ii, 462.) He had joined forces with Jalal-ad-Din and taken part in the Battle of Parvan, which is here alluded to. For a fuller account of the battle see below, ii, 406-7. On the Khalaj, the ancestors alike of the Khalji Sultans of Delhi and the Ghilzai Afghans of Qandahar, see Minorsky, The Turkish Dialect of the Khakj, 426-34. 133 11691-186 11691 Ala Ad Din Ata Malik Juvaini - - THE HISTORY OF of Ghazna, whilst he himself pursued Jalal-ad~Din like the wind which drives the clouds* until he came up with him on the banks of the Indus,2 The Mongol army cut off the Sultan's front and rear and encompassed him on every side; they stood behind one another in several rings in the shape of a bow and made the Indus like a bowstring. Chingiz-Khan commanded his men to exceed themselves in battle and to endeavour to take the Sultan alive. Meanwhile Chaghatai and Ogetei also had arrived from Khorazm. The Sultan, for his part, seeing that the day of action was arrived and the time of battle, set his face to combat with the few men that were still left to him. He hastened from right to left and from the left charged upon the Mongol centre. He attacked again and again, but the Mongol armies advanced little by little leaving him less space to manoeuvre and less room to do battle; but still he continued to fight like an angry lion. [107] Whithersoever he spurred on his charger, he mingled dust with blood.3 Since Chingiz-Khan had ordered them to take him prisoner, the army were sparing with their lances and arrows wishing to execute Chingiz-Khan's command. But Jalal-ad-Din was too quick for them and withdrew. He was brought a fresh horse, and mounting it he attacked them again and returned from the charge at the gallop. Like the lightning he struck upon the water and like the wind he departed. When the Mongols saw him cast himself in the river they were about to plunge in after him. But Chingiz-Khan prevented them. From excess of astonishment he put his hand to his mouth and kept saying to his sons, * Such a son must a father have/ When Isfandiyar gazed behind him, he descried him on the dry knd on the far side of the stream. 2 On the site of the Battle of the Indus see Barthold, Tvrketfatt, 445-6. It was probably fought at Dinkot, near the modern Kalabagh, 3 Sbahttama ed. Vullers, 1556, 1. 1074. 134 11691-187 11691 Ala Ad Din Ata Malik Juvaini - - WORLD-CONQUEROR He said : * Gall not this a man— he is a raging elephant endued with pomp and splendour/ So he spoke and gazed thitherwards where Rustam his way.* To be brief, aM of Jalal-ad~Din*s army that were not drowned In the river were slain by the sword. His wives and children were brought before Chingiz-Khan, and as for those that were male, down to very sucklings, the breast of death was put to the mouth of their Eves and they were given to nurse to Ibn-Daya,5 that is, they were thrown to the carrion crows. It Is hrifor us that llm-Daya to that to which the tear-facts an joined. Since the riches and wealth which the Sultan had with him consisted chiefly of gold and silver coin he had given orders that day for all of it to be cast in the river. The Mongols sent in divers to bring up what they could out of the water. This event, which was one of the wonders of Destiny, fell out in Rajab of the year 618 [August — September, 1221].* [108] And there is a proverb which says, 'Live in Rajah and tbou sbalt see wonders! Chingiz-Khan proceeded along the banks of the river 7 but sent Ogetei back to Ghazna, the people of which made voluntary submission. Ogetei ordered them all to be led out into the open country, where such as were artisans were set on one side while the rest of their number were put to death and the town too was destroyed. He left Qiituqu 8 Noyan in charge of the captives 4 For the first two lines see Sbabnama ed. Vullers, 1693, II. 3575-6. The third line is not in Vullers. 5 I.e. the Crow. The word-play with iaya * nurse * is lost in the translation. 6 According to Nasawi on Wednesday the 24th November. See Barthold, op. at, 445. 7 Upstream according to Rashid-ad-Din (Smirnova, 225) and the Sbfag-uw dfin-cbtyg lu (Haenisch, Die letzten FeUzU&e Ginggis Htnfs und seln Tod, 529), whilst he sent Ogedei downstream. 8 QTQW. This was Shigi-Qutuqu, the Mongol commander at Parvan. He had been discovered as a young child in the deserted encampment of the Tatar after the defeat of that people by Chingiz-Khan and Ong-Khan as allies of the Chin. (Secret History, § 135.) He was adopted by Chingiz-Khaiu 135 11691-188 11691 Ala Ad Din Ata Malik Juvaini - - THE HISTORY OF and craftsmen, who were to pass the winter in that place, whilst he himself returned by way of the Garmsir of Herat.9 Chingiz-Khan, meanwhile* had arrived at Karman and Sanquran,10 Here he received tidings that Jalal-ad-Din had recrossed the Indus and buried his dead. He left Chaghatai in Karman, and Chaghatai not finding him [where he expected] still continued the pursuit. During that winter he took up quarters In the neighbourhood of Buya Katur, which is a town of Ashtaqar.11 The ruler of that place, Salar Ahmad,12 bound the girdle of submission about his loins and did all in his power to provide the army with victuals. mother, Ho'eliin, (SM.) or by his wife Borte according to Rashid-ad-Din (Kheta-gurov, 107, Smirnova, 174)* At the great qttriltti at the sources of the Onon in 1206 he was given the function of grand judge. See the Secret History, § 203, Grousset, LfEmpire Mongol, 183. 9 Gamsfr[>-i-]Hmt. The text should probably be emended to read GarmsJr M Harat * the Garmsir anil Herat *. Rashid-ad-Din (Smirnova, 225) says simply that Ogedei returned * by way of the Garmsir * (as does also D), and Smirnova, loc. dtj n. 2, takes Garmsir to be the region of that name along the middle course of the Helmand still known as Garmsel. In fact the Mongols had already followed this route on a previous occasion. From Talaqan Chingiz-Khan had sent a Mongol army * by way of the Garmsir * to attack Amin Malik at Ghazna. Amin MaHk drove this force back as far as Bust (the modern Qal'a-yi-Bist) and Teginabad (perhaps Qandahar), i.e. to this very region; and the Mongols then retreated in the direction of Herat and Khorasan. See below, ii, 461-2. According to Rashid-ad-Din (be. at, c£ also the Sheng-m cb'in-cbeng lu, loc. at., and Bretschneider, I, 293) Ogedei, after destroying Ghazna, sought his fathers permission to advance against Sistan. However, because of the heat, Chingiz-Khan ordered him to turn back and said that he would send other forces instead. According to Juzjani (Raverty, 1047) Ogedei fixed his winter quarters at Pul-i-Ahangaran, i.e. the modern QalVyi-Ahangaran on the upper Herirud. 10 Reading SNQWRAK for the SYQWRAN of the text. The modern Kurram Agency. Raverty (498-911) identifies Sanquran with the dam (valley) of the Shaluzan (Shaluzan in the Imferial Gazetteer of India, which has Kirman for the Karman of Raverty). Shaluzan and Karman, besides being the names of two tributaries of the Kurram, are also the names of two villages in the wide open valley of the Upper Kurram. 11 Neither Buya Katur (BWYH KTWR) nor Ashtaqar (A§TQAR), has been identified. According to Juzjani (Raverty, 1043-5) Chingk-Khan advanced from the Indus to besiege Ighraq (c£ below, p. 137) in a fortress which Raverty calls Glban, captured it and * other forts of the Koh-payah [hill-skirts] ' and then for three months encamped * in the Glbarl territory and the Koh-payah *. Raverty, 1043, n. i., locates the fortress of Gibarl in Bajaur in the Dir, Swat and Chitral Agency, On the other hand it is also possible to read Gin instead 136 11691-189 11691 Ala Ad Din Ata Malik Juvaini - - THE WORLD-CONQUEROR On account of the insalubrity of the the of the soldiers fell sick and the strength of the There were many prisoners with them in that place, had also captured Indian slaves in that region, [109] so that in each house there were ten to twenty prisoners. All of were employed in preparing food by scouring rice, etc., and the climate agreed with their constitution. Chingiz-Khan gave orders that every slave in every house should scour four hundred maunds of rice. They accomplished this task with great speed within the space of one week; upon which Chingtz-Khan commanded that all the prisoners in the army should be killed. The unhappy wretches had no idea of their fate; one night, just before dawn, not a trace was left of the prisoners, and the Indians.13 All the neighbouring peoples sent envoys and tendered their submission. Chingiz-Khan dispatched an ambassador to Rana14 also; who at first accepted submission but did not remain constant. Chingiz-Khan sent an army which seized and slew him. He also sent an army to beleaguer Ighraq in the stronghold which he had fortified. When the army had recovered its health Chingiz-Khan conceived the idea of returning home by a route through India to the land of the Tangut.13 He advanced several stages, but as of Giban and identify it with the fortress in which Mas'ud the Ghaznavid (1030—40) was imprisoned and put to death and which was situated close to the Indus, in the neighbourhood of Peshawar. See Raverty, lo€. d£, also 1074^, 12 Salar Ahmad is also unidentified. See Raverty, ic>74n. 13 Barthold, Turkestan, 454, is inclined to discredit the details of this story (which, as he points out, was afterwards rekted of Tamerlane) especially as Juzjani, * who was not in the habit of concealing the cruel actions of the Mongols, says not a word of this action, of which he could not have been ignorant *. 14 Juvaini has taken the North Indian tide rana as a proper name. This was probably the successor of Nasawi's Rana *Shatra (ZANH §TRH in Houdas" text and Zana-Chatra in his translation, 142), * le seigneur du Djebel El-Djoudi V skin in battle by Sultan Jalat-ad-Din ($£, 143). Juzjani (Raverty, 815) speaks of a kter Rana of the * Jud hills' (i.e. the Salt Range) against whom an expedition was sent in 644/1246-7 to punish him for having acted as guide to the Mongols in the previous year. 15 By way of Bengal, Assam and the Himakyas according to Juzjani (Raverty, 1046 and 1081). 157 11691-190 11691 Ala Ad Din Ata Malik Juvaini - - THE HISTORY OF there was no road, he turned back,16 and came to Peshawar,17 and returned by the road by which he had come. [XXIII] OF THE RETURN OF CHINGIZ-KHAN WHEN the tidings of the coming of spring had reached every quarter of the inhabitable world, verdure leapt up like the hearts of the sorrowful, and at the dawning of day nightingales mourned and lamented upon the branches of the trees in unison with turtles and ring doves; in memory of the striplings who every year in gardens and pleasances had poured out wine and driven away care upon the petals of flowers and blossoms, the clouds rained tears from their eyes and said, * It is rain*; [no] the rosebud, filled with longing for wanton glances, from sadness filled its cup with blood and made believe that it was a smile; the rose, filled with regret for the violet-cheeked rose-faced ones, tore its garment and said, * I have bloomed'; the lily, in the garb of the sorrowful, donned blue and claimed that it was heaven-coloured; the trim cypress, in recollection of the graceful cypress-shaped ones, bent its back to the heavy sigh which it heaved at every dawn and called this * stateliness'; in harmony with the cypress the willow from grief laid its head upon the 16 Rashid-ad-Din (Smirnova, 225) is more explicit. Rugged mountains, dense forests, an unhealthy climate and bad drinking water—these and the report that the Tangut had risen in revolt were the reasons for his turning back. According to Juzjani (Raverty, 1045-6 and 1081-4) ^e had from his encampment in the Gfbarl (or Girl) area dispatched envoys to H-Tutmish in Delhi seeking permission to return through India; and he was still in that encampment, bum-ing and examining the shoulder-blades of sheep (for an account of this form of divination see Rockhill, 187-8), when the news arrived of the Tangut's rebellion. According to the Yuan shib he had actually penetrated into Eastern India when the appearance of a fabulous animal, a kind of unicorn, caused him to retrace his steps. See Krause, 39, Haenisch, op. tit, 531, Bretschneider, 1,289, d'Ohsson, I, 318, n. i. 17 The text has here Farshavat and elsewhere Parshavar, at that time the normal spelling of the name (the older Purushapura, 'the town of Purusha'). The form Peshavar (our Peshawar) was introduced by the Mogul Emperor Akbar. 11691-191 11691 Ala Ad Din Ata Malik Juvaini - - THE WORLD-CONQUEROR dark earth and from anguish at its fate its head, saying,€ I am thcfarmsb of the meadow*; the wine made a gurgle in its throat; and the lute and the embraced with melody. Look, at the dawn of day, that thou mayst hear the Pahkvl song of the nightingale: It laments the death of Isfandiyar, of whom there is no memorial but lamentation. None has opened his lips in mirthful laughter this year; the world has not rested from strife for one moment this year. Who has shown me a face tinged with rose-blood this year J In such times as these what time has there been for roses this year 2 Chingiz-Khan decided to return from Peshawar to his original home; and the reason for his haste to return was that the Khitayans and the Tangut, profiting by his absence, had grown restive and wavered between submission and insurrection. By way of the mountains of Bamiyan he rejoined his heavy baggage which he had left in the region of Baghlan*1 He passed the summer in that pasture land and when the season of autumn was come he again took to the road and crossed the Oxus. After crossing the river he sent back Torbei Toqshin2 in pursuit of the Sultan. That winter he abode in the region of Samarqand, whence he sent a messenger to summon his eldest son Tushi, bidding him set out from the Plain of the Qifchaq 3 [m] driving the game in front of him (which for the most part was wild asses). 1 Perhaps Baghlan and not Parvan is meant by the * plain of Baruan * of the Secret History (§§ 257 and 258), the river Pa-lu-wan of the Yuan sbih (Krause, 38, Haenisch, Die ktzten FeUzugt Cinggls Han's undstin Tol, 531) and the SMng-wu clfin-cheng lu (Haenisch, op. dt., 529) and * the plain which the Mongols call Parvan* of Kashid-ad-Din (Smirnova, 225). 2 See below, Chapter XXIV. 8 Dasbt-i-Qifcbaq for the more usual Desbt-i-Qfpcbify, the name given to the vast steppes stretching from the Dniester to the Irtish: it was afterwards applied to the territory of the Golden Horde. 139 11691-192 11691 Ala Ad Din Ata Malik Juvaini - - THE HISTORY OF Chaghatai and Ogetei, for their part, went to Qara-Kol4 to amuse themselves with the hunting of the swan; every week, as a sample of their hunting, they would send Chingiz-Khan fifty camel-loads of swans. Finally, when no game was left, and the winter had drawn to its close, and the world was become a rosebud with the signs of spring, and the earth had donned a robe of flowers and blossoms; Chingiz-Khan determined to depart and remove; the princes gathered around their father by the river of Fanakat,5 and held a quriltai, after which they proceeded from thence until they came to Qulan-Bashi,6 where Tushi came up from the other side and joined his father. Among the presents which he brought were a thousand grey horses. In accordance with his father's command he had driven herds of wild asses from the Plain of the Qifchaq like so many sheep. It was said that the hoofs of the wild asses had become worn out on the journey and that they had been shod with horseshoes. When they came to a place called Utuqa,7 Chingiz-Khan, his sons and the soldiers mounted horse to disport themselves, and the wild asses were driven before them. They gave chase, but from excess of weariness the wild asses had become such that they could be taken by hand. When they had grown tired of the chase and none but lean animals remained, each branded those he had taken with his own brand and let them go free. To be brief, they passed the summer in Qulan-Bashi; and hither were brought a number of Uighur nobles whom they executed for a crime they had committed. Then Chingiz-Khan 4 Now the name of a town (Karakul) in Uzbekistan, Qara-Kol, lit. * the Black Lake *, was originally the name of the swampy region in which the Zaraf-shan finally loses itself. According to Barthold, Turkestan, 118, 'there was a vast quantity offish and birds here*. 5 See above, p. 64, n, 8. 6 Reading QLAN BA§Y for the QLAN TA§Y of the text. The pass between the basins of the Aris and the Talas on the way from Chimkent to Aulie Ata (Jambul), well known for its cold climate. See Prince Masalsky, Turkestim-skii fad, 757. (V.M.) Qulan-Bashi means * Wild Ass's Head % 7AWTWQA* Unidentified. 140 11691-193 11691 Ala Ad Din Ata Malik Juvaini - - THE WORLD-CONQUEROR departed from thence and in the springtime at his [112] [XXIV] OF THE EXPEDITION OF TORBEI TOQSHIN IN SEARCH OF SULTAN JALAL-AD-DIN * WHEN Chaghatai returned without having found the Sultan* Chingiz-Khan deputed Torbci Toqshin, together with two tumen of Mongol troops,, to cross the Indus in his pursuit. Torbei Toqshin advanced to the region of *Nandana/ a province of India which had previously been held by Qamar-ad-Din Karmani3 but of which one of the Sultan's commanders had now made himself master. Torbei Toqshin took the fortress of *Nandana 2 and wrought 1 Tliis chapter has already appeared in print in my article, Iru and M0m in the Secret History of the Mongok, As to the name Torbei Toqshin the text has everywhere TRBAY TQSY or TWRBAY TQ§Y but in II, 144, E and G have TWQ§YN for the second element It is the Turkish form of Dorbei Doqshin, * Dorbei the Brutal *, the name of a Dorbet commander who had distinguished himself in an expedition against the forest people of the Qori-Turnat in 1217. See the Secret History, § 240, and Rashid-ad-Din (Smimova, 178 and 255-6); also the above-mentioned article, 405-6 and 410. 2 The text has in both cases BYH, but for the name of the fortress B has NNDH and J, i.e. the Bodleian MS. Fraser 154 (I am indebted to Professor A. F. L. Beeston, formerly Keeper of Oriental Books, and to the Printer to the University of Oxford for a photograph of the passage) YNDH, both of which forms most be regarded as corruptions of an original NNDNH (i.e. Nandana), which actually occurs in Juzjani (Raverty, 534), In the case of the district also BYH is doubtless to be regarded as a corruption of NNDNH, as is also the fat element of Nasawi's DBDBH WSAQWN (text, 86, it appears in Houdas* translation, 144, as Debdeba-Ousaqoun). It was here that Qubacha heard the news of Jalal-ad-Din*s battle with the Rana of the Jud hills. On Nandana see the long footnote in Raverty (534-9), also the Impend Gazetteer of India, Vol. XVIII, 349, where it is described as a * place of historical interest in the Pind Dadan Khan tahsil of Jhelum District, Punjab, situated 32° 43' N. and 73° 17' E., 14 miles west of Chao Saidan Shah, in a remarkable dip in the outer Salt Range. Of the fort, two bastions of large, well-cut sandstone blocks still remain,* 3Smirnova, 224, n. 3, identifies Qamar-ad-Din Karmani with Qamar-ad-Din Tamar Khan Qiran, the future governor of Bengal (1244-6). However, according to Juzjani (Raverty, 743) this latter person, a Qipchaq Turk purchased 141 11691-194 11691 Ala Ad Din Ata Malik Juvaini - - THE HISTORY OF great slaughter. Then he turned against Multan. There were no stones In Multan, so he ordered levies to be driven from thence to build rafis of wood: these were loaded with catapult missiles and launched upon the river. When he arrived before Multan the mangonels were set in motion; a large part of the wall was demolished and the town was on the point of surrendering. However, the great heat of the climate prevented his remaining longer; so having plundered and massacred throughout the province of Multan and Lahore he returned from thence and recrossed the Indus; and arriving in Ghazna followed in the wake of Chingiz-Khan.4 [XXV] OF THE EXPEDITION OF YEME 1 AND SUBETEI IN PURSUIT OF SULTAN MUHAMMAD WHEN Chingiz-Khan arrived before Samarqand and threw a ring around the city he received intelligence [113] that the Sultan by H-Tutm!sh» held no fief till the reign of Razlya (1236-9), when he became feudatory of Kanauj. In fact the Qamar-ad-Din in question is none other than Qubacha, the ruler of Sind and the former slave of the Ghurid Sultan Shihab-ad-Din. According to Nasawi (see above, n. 2) he was in the Nan-dana area at the time of Jalal-ad-Din*s battle with the Rana of the Jud hills. See also below, ii, 414-16. I follow Raverty (536^) in calling him Karmani, i.e. of Kantian, the present-day Kurram Agency, rather than Kirmani, i.e. of Kerman; and in fact he may well have had some connection with Karman, which his father-in-law Yulduz held as a fief. See Raverty, 498-500. 4 For a somewhat different version of this expedition see below, ii, 413. According to the Secret History (§§ 257 and 264), the Sbtng-wu cb*in>~cheng lu (Haenisch, Die ktzten FeUzuge Cinggis Han's un& sein Tod, 529) and the Yuan sbib (ibid., 531, Krause, 38) it was led not by Dorbei but by Bala of the Jakyir; according to Rashid-ad-Din (Smirnova, 224) it was led by Dorbei and Bala jointly. 1YMH. This is apparently the Turkish form of the name Jebe; it is found in Nasawi and Juzjani also. The famous general belonged to the Besiit, who were vassals of the Tayichi'ut, and his name, according to the Secret History (§ 147), was originally Jirqo'adaL He had fought under Jamuqa at the Battle of Koyiten (1201), in the course of which an arrow, discharged from his bow, had wounded Chingiz-Khan's horse, * a chestnut with a white muzzle', After the final defeat of the Tayichi*ut Jirqo'adai presented himself before the 142 11691-195 11691 Ala Ad Din Ata Malik Juvaini - - THE WORLD-CONQUEROR had crossed the river at Tirmiz and had the part of his army and the chiefs of his household through- out the villages and countryside; that few left him; and that he had crossed the river in a of terror bewilderment. He exclaimed: * It is necessary to make an end of him and be well rid of him before men gather around him and nobles, join him from every side.* So he chose from the chief of his commanders Yerae and Siibetei to pursue the Sultan; and from the troops that were with him he selected proportionately2 thirty thousand men,, each of whom was to a thousand men of the Sultan's army as a wolf to a flock of sheep or a red-hot coal to a dry cane-brake. Conqueror. Questioned about the shot he freely admitted his responsibility but promised, if his life was spared, to serve his new master faithfully and well Chingiz-Khan was pleased with his frankness, gave him the name of Jebe, which means 'weapon* or perhaps * arrow* (see PelHot-Hambis, Cmpagtcs, 155-6), to commemorate his action and admitted him amongst his followers. Rashid-ad-Din (Khetagurov, 194), gives a somewhat different version of his first entry into Chingiz-Khan's service. After the defeat of his people Jebe had gone into hiding. He is discovered by Chingiz-Khan in the course of a lattue. Borji, the early friend and close companion of the Conqueror (the Bo'orchu of the Secret History) gives chase on his leader's horse (the same * chestnut with the white muzzle*) letting fly an arrow which misses its mark. Jebe shoots back, hits and kills the horse and so makes his escape. Ultimately, however, he is obliged to surrender. Kneeling before the Conqueror he confesses to the crime of having killed his horse but undertakes, if the crime is pardoned, to provide the Khan with * many such horses *. Because he is a brave man (labafar) he is not only forgiven but made a commander often. When, having risen to the command of a tumcn, he is sent in pursuit of the Naiman Kuchlug, he remembers his promise and returns from that campaign bringing with him, as a present for his master, a thousand chestnut horses with white muzzles ! See also Grousset, L?Empire Mongol, 116-17. It is stated by Wolff, Gtscti&tt der Mongolen oder Tataren, no, and repeated by Howorth, I, 97, that Jebe did not long survive the great expedition across the Caucasus and round the Caspian. Wolff does not quote his authority for this statement, but the fact seems likely enough, for unlike his comrade Siibetei, who was sail to distinguish himself in China and in Hungary, Jebe now vanishes from history; nor has he, like Siibetei, been accorded the honour of a biography in the Yuan sbih. See Pelliot-Harnbis, loc. dt, also Pelliot, Horde d'Or, 133, n. 3. 2 Cf. below, p. 151: * And from all the armies that accompanied him Chingiz-Khan detached men from all his sons in proportionate number, and from each ten he designated one to accompany TolL* 11691-196 11691 Ala Ad Din Ata Malik Juvaini - - THE HISTORY OF They forded the river at Panjab ;3 and pursuing and seeking him like a flood descending from hill to valley they hastened in the manner of smoke. First they came to Balkh. The notables of the town sent a deputation to meet them and brought them tuzgbu and offerings of food. The Mongols, in consequence, did them no harm and gave them a sbabna. Then taking a guide from amongst them, they sent forward Taisi4 by way of vanguard. When they came to Zava,5 they asked for provisions (*ulufa) ; but the people of the town closed their gates and paid no attention to their words, refusing to give them anything. Since the Mongols were in a hurry they did not stop but rode on. And when the people of Zava saw the banners being borne away and beheld the backs of the Mongols, in their lightheadedness they turned their hands within their fortresses to the beating of drums and tabors and opened their mouths in abuse and vituperation. The Mongols, perceiving their contemptuous behaviour and hearing their voices, turned back and made a strenuous assault upon all three fortresses, laying their scaling-ladders against the walls. On the third day, at the time when the goblet of the horizon was filled to the brim with the blood of the dawn-red, they scaled the walls and left not alive whomsoever they saw; and being unable to stay they burnt and broke whatever was too heavy to carry. And this was the first pawn that Fate set down upon the chessboard of Oppression, and the first trick that appeared from under the thimble of the thimble-rigging Heavens. [114] It was as though this fighting and slaying were the clue to the calamities of Fate and the disasters of cruel Destiny. From the sound thereof an earthquake shook Khorasan, and from hearing of that event, whereof they had never heard the like, the people were seized with terror. 3 Panjab or Mela was a * well-known crossing place' near the mouth of the Vakhsh. (Barthold, Turkestan, 72.) 4 TAYSY. tarn ' prince * is an Uighur borrowing from the Chinese (t'at-fsu 'crown prince'). See Gabain, also Pelliot-Hambis, op, dt.> 94. 5 The modern Turbat-i-Haidari in Eastern Khorasan. 144 11691-197 11691 Ala Ad Din Ata Malik Juvaini - - WORLD-CONQUEROR At the beginning of Rabi* I, 617 1220], and Siibetei arrived before Nishapur and dispatched an to Mujir-al-Mulk Kafi Rukhkhi,* Farid-ad-Din and Ziya-al-Mulk Zuzani,7 who were the ministers and of Khorasan, calling opon them to submit and surrender and demanding provisions (*dnfa) and offerings of food (nuzl). They dispatched three persons from the mass of the people to Yeme bearing offerings and presents and making outward profession of submission. Yeme admonished them saying that they should eschew opposition and hostility and whenever a Mongol or a Mongol envoy arrived they should welcome him and not rely upon the stoutness of their walls and the multitude of their people; so that their houses and property might go unscathed. And by way of a token they gave the envoys an 8 in the Uighur script and a copy of a yarligh of Chingiz-Khan9 whereof the gist was as follows: ' Let the emirs and great ones and the numerous common people know this that ... all the face of the earth from the going up of the sun to his going down I have given it unto thee. Whosoever, therefore, shall submit, mercy shall be shown unto him and unto his wives and children and household; but whosoever shall not submit, shall perish together with all his wives and children and kinsmen.* The Mongols indited documents after this manner and encouraged the people of the town with promises. Then they left Nishapur, Yeme making for Juvain9 and Siibetei proceeding to Tus 10 by way of Jam.11 Wherever the people came forward to tender submission, [115] they were spared; but those that offered resistance were utterly destroyed. 6 I.e. of Rukhkh, another name for the district of Zava. 7 I.e. of Zuzan. 8 On this f vermilion seal * attached by the Mongols to their documents see Pelliot, Notes sur U " Turkestan9' de M. W. Bartbold, 35-6. 9 To the north-west of Nishapur. This district, the home of Juvaini, is now called Jaghatai. 10 The name Tus was applied both to the whole district and to the town of Tabaran, of which the roins are situated a few miles to the north of Meshed* 11 Now Turbat-i-Shaikh Jam, to the east of Turbat-i-Haidari on the Afghan border. 145 11691-198 11691 Ala Ad Din Ata Malik Juvaini - - THE HISTORY OF The eastern villages of Tus, viz. Nuqan and all that quarter (fuV) n tendered submission and so were at once saved; and from thence they dispatched an envoy to the town Itself; and since the Inhabitants did not answer to their Hking they carried slaughter to excess both In the town and In the neighbouring villages. When Siibetei came to Radkan, the greenness of the meadows and the copiousness of the springs so pleased him that he did that people no harm and left a shahna there* When he came to Khabushan,13 on account of the lack of attention shown by that people, the Mongols wrought great slaughter. From thence he came to Isfarayin;14 and in Isfarayin and Adkan15 also the Mongols carried out a great massacre. By way of Juvain Yeme then turned his reins towards Mazandaran, while Siibetei hastened on by way of Qumish.16 Yeme slew many people In Mazandaran, especially in Amul, where he ordered a general massacre. He also left troops to beleaguer the fortresses in which the Sultan's harem had taken refuge; and the siege continued until they were captured.17 Meanwhile Siibetei had arrived before Damghan. The notables of the town sought refuge in Girdkuh,18 but a band of ruffians (runui) remained behind refusing to surrender; and Issuing forth at night they fought at the gates of the town, and some few were slain on either side. From Damghan the Mongols proceeded to Samnan, and here 12 The name of Nuqan (or Nauqan), which was at one time the chief town of the district of Tus, is still preserved in Naughan, the name of a quarter of Meshed. By * all that quarter' is perhaps meant all that part of the * Quarter of Nishapur*, Khorasan being divided into the four Quarters of Nishapur, Merv, Herat and Balkh. See le Strange, Lank of the Eastern Caliphate, 382. It is more likely however that the reference is to one of the four * quarters * or * territories * into which Nishapur itself was divided. See below p. 297, n. 50. 1S The modem Quchan. 14 The ruins of Isfarayin are now known as Shahr-i-Bilqls. See Smirnova, 120, n. 3. 15 ADKAN or AYKAN. Unidentified. 16 Kumish, Qumish or Qumis was a small province to the south of the eastern extremity of the Elburz range. 17 For a fuller account of the siege see below, ii, 467. 18 A castle in the mountains near Damghan, a stronghold of the Assassins. 146 11691-199 11691 Ala Ad Din Ata Malik Juvaini - - THE WORLD-CONQUEROR they slew many people, as in Khuvar of Ray also.1'0 And when they came to Ray/0 the cacli [together with persons] came forward and tendered submission. Then, that the Sultan had departed in the direction of Hamadan, Yeme hastened from Ray in his pursuit, while Silbetei proceeded towards Qazvin and that region. When Yeme came to Hamadan, cAk-ad-Daula21 of Hama-dan tendered submission, sent presents of mounts and clothing and offerings of food,, victims and drink and accepted a sbabna. When the Sultan had been put to flight, Yeme turned back and came once more to Hamadan. And when news reached him that a considerable portion of the Sultan's army had assembled at Sujas,22 [116] headed by Beg-Tegin Silahdar and Kiich-Bugha Khan,23 he advanced against them and utterly destroyed them. The Mongols then plundered and massacred throughout the greater part of Iraq 24 and departed from thence to Ardabil, which they took by siege slaughtering the inhabitants and pillaging their possessions. When the season of winter arrived, they departed to Mughan 2S and passed the winter there; and that year the roads were blocked up with the great quantities of snow. 19 Khuvar of Ray (so called to distinguish it from another Khuvar in Pars) lay between Samnan and Ray; the name is perpetuated in the Plain of Khar. 20 The ruins of the famous city of Ray, the Rhages of the Ancients, lie a few miles to the south of Tehran. 21 His name is given by Nasawi (tr. Houdas, 121) as 'Ala-ad-Daula ash-Sharif al-'Alawi. 22 Sujas was a small town, a few miles to the west of Sultaniya. 23 Presumably identical with the Kiich-Bugha Khan who, according to Nasawi (tr. Houdas, 118) was sent by Sultan Jalal-ad-Din's brother Rukn-ad-Din against Jamal-ad-Din Ai-Aba and who was afterwards (#/£, 229) Hlled in the battle between Jalal-ad-Din and the Mongols near Isfahan. 24 I.e. Persian Iraq. See above, p. 13, n. 29. 25 The Moghan Steppe, south of the Aras on the western coast of the Caspian, now lies for the most part within the Soviet Socialist Republic of Azerbaijan. It was presumably from this base that the Mongols launched their first attack on the Georgians, on whom they inflicted a crushing defeat near Tiflis in February, 1221. See Grousset, op. at, 258 and 516-17. N 147 11691-200 11691 Ala Ad Din Ata Malik Juvaini - - THE HISTORY OF Jamal-ad-Din Ai~Aba u and some others again began to stir up sedition and unrest in Iraq and started a revolt. They slew the sbabna who had been placed over Hamadan, and seizing *Ala-ad-Daula because of his having tendered submission they imprisoned him in the Castle of Girit.27 When spring came Yeme arrived in Iraq to avenge the slaying of the sh-ahna. Jamal-ad-Din Ai-Aba came to offer submission, but it availed him nothing, and he was executed together with a number of others. The Mongols then left Iraq and subjugated Tabriz, Maragha and Nakhchivan28 massacring the people in all these countries. The atobeg Khamush28 came forward to tender submission and was given a letter and an al-tamgha. From thence they went to Arran,30 and took Bailaqan,31 and 26 AYBH, for which C has AY ABH. The first element of this Turkish name is d * moon', and I take the second to be oka * bear *; it could however be apa> a vague word meaning among other things * ancestor *. On the use of this latter word as a title see Hamilton, Les Qtitghours d Fepoque des Cinq Dynasties* 96-7 and 146. According to Nasawi (tr. Houdas, 117 and 120) his full name was Jamal-ad-Din Muhammad b. Ai-Aba. (Houdas' text has ABY instead of AY and Houdas, by a natural mistake, has converted his name into Ibn Abou Abeh.) It would seem therefore that Ai-Aba was actually his father's name and perhaps Juvaini's text should be read Jamal-al-Din-i-Ai-Aba, i.e. Jamal-ad-Din, son of Ai-Aba. 27 Qal'a-yi-Girit. This castle is mentioned by Cherikov, a Russian member of the commission for the delimitation of the Ottoman-Perskn frontier in 1848-52, as lying to the south of the present-day Khurramabad in Northern Luristan. See Minorsky, Luristan, in the Encyclopedia of Islam, also M.Q., III, 471-2. 28 The province of Nakhchivan, immediately to the north of the Aras, is now the Autonomous Soviet Socialist Republic of Nakhichevan within Azerbaijan, from which it is physically separated by the Republic of Armenia. 29 The son of the atafog Oz-Beg and a deaf-mute—hence, his name, khamusb in Persian meaning * silent', See Nasawi tr. Houdas, 215-16. Nasawi says not a word of his submission to the Mongols; according to Rashid-ad-Din (Smirnova, 227) it was Oz-Beg himself who bought them off. 30 The province of Arran, the classical Albania, ky within the great triangle of land formed by the junction of the Kur and the Aras, of which the greater portion now forms part of the Soviet Socialist Republic of Azerbaijan, the remainder belonging to the Republic of Armenia. 31 Bailaqan was at that time the chief town of Arran: its ruins, known as MH-i-Bailaqan (Miller), lie to the south-east of Shusha. See Minorsky, Hudud> 398. 148 11691-201 11691 Ala Ad Din Ata Malik Juvaini - - THE WORLD-CONQUEROR went on by of Shirvan.31 Then to and none remembered that any army had or gone to war by this route, but they had to a m and so passed through. The army of Tushi were stationed on the Plain of the Qifchaq and that region; they linked up with them and departed thence to rejoin Chingiz-Khan.S4 From the telling of this tale their might and prowess become manifest, nay the power of € And He is the over His servants*** is verified and confirmed; for that from an army there should go forth a detachment and smite so many kingdoms and kings and sultans, having on all sides such foes and adversaries as no created being might resist or oppose, this can mean nought but the end of one empire and the beginning of another.36 32 Before entering Shirvan the Mongols had again invaded Georgia and inflicted a second defeat on the Georgians. See Rashid-ad-Din tr. Smirnova, 228, tr. Khetagurov, 194-5, Grousset, op. dtt 259 and 517. The province of Shirvan, which lay to the north of the Kur along the Caspian, now forms part of Soviet Azerbaijan. According to Rashid-ad-Din (Smirnova, be. at), the Mongols had on their way to Darband sacked the chief town of the province, Shamakha, carried out a general massacre and borne ojfif great numbers of prisoners. 33 This * stratagem * was, according to Rashid-ad-Din (Smirnova, 228-9), to invite the ruler of Shirvan, the Shirvan-Shah, to send a delegation to conclude peace. Of the ten notables whom he dispatched for this purpose one unfortunate man was put to death, and the remainder were then threatened with the same fate unless they guided the Mongols through the pass ! Elsewhere (Khetagurov, 195) Rashid-ad-Din says that the people of Darband presented tozght to the Mongols and tendered submission. 34 Juvaini says nothing of the Mongols* encounter with a coalition of Caucasians and Qipchaq upon their descending into the steppes; nor does he mention their defeat of the Russians on the Kalka. See Grousset, op. dt.s 259-60 and 517-21. 35 Koran, vi, 18. 36 * They had trampled on the nations which opposed their passage, penetrated through the gates of Derbend, traversed the Volga and the desert and accomplished the circuit of the Caspian Sea, by an expedition which had never been attempted and has never been repeated/ (Gibbon, VII, 10.) 149 11691-202 11691 Ala Ad Din Ata Malik Juvaini - - THE HISTORY OF [XXVI] [lI7] A BRIEF ACCOUNT OF TOLI*S CONQUEST OF KHORASAN WHEN Sultan Mohammad passed through Khorasan Yeme and Siibetei pursued him in great haste with the speed of fire; they were In fact a whirlwind, and the greater part of Khorasan lay across the path of their armies, and there were few districts through which a detachment of their forces did not pass. And as they advanced, wherever a province lay in their path, they dispatched an envoy to the people announcing the arrival of Chlngiz-Khan and warning them not to resort to war and frowardness nor refuse to accept submission, and plying them with threats and menaces. And whenever the people elected to submit, they gave them a shabna with an al-famgha as a token, and departed. But wherever the people refused to submit and surrender and the place was readily assailable and easily attacked, they showed no mercy but took the town and slew the inhabitants. When they passed by, the people busied themselves with strengthening their forts and citadels and laying in a stock of provisions; but after some time they became slack, and the rumours concerning the Mongol armies having somewhat died down, they fancied that perhaps that host was a flood which had rolled by, or a whirlwind which had raised a dust-storm from the face of the earth, or the fire of lightning which had flashed and gone out. When Chingiz-Khan crossed the river and turned in person to the pursuit of the Sultan, he deputed his son Ulugh-Noyan* to invade Khorasan; Ulugh-Noyan, who in his severity was like a flashing sword with the potency of fire, whereof the wind turned into dust whomsoever it overtook, while in his horsemanship he was the lightning-flash which leaps out from the veil of clouds, and renders the place where it falls like unto ashes, and 11.e. Toli (Tolui). See my article, On the Titles Given in Juvaini to Certain Mongolian Princes, 146-8, where I suggest that this title (or the purely Mongol equivalent Yeke-Noyan, both meaning * the Great NoyanJ) was conferred upon Tolui posthumously to avoid the mention of his real name. 150 11691-203 11691 Ala Ad Din Ata Malik Juvaini - - THE no sign or trace, and not to or from all the armies that accompanied Chingiz-Khan detached men from all his sons in from each ten he designated one to accompany ToH; that if the wind of war in any way comes into fire falls into their being, [118] the letters of restraint are from the hands of their choice, and though the vast ocean be their enemy they throst it down into the bowels of the dark earth. When Toll went forth, he set commanders over flank and himself proceeded in the centre, sending forward the vanguard to reconnoitre. He proceeded by way of Maruchoq,2 Bagh and Baghshor.3 Now Khorasan was divided into four cities: Balkh, Mervs Herat and Nishapur.4 Chingiz-Khan destroyed Balkh in person, as has been separately mentioned; and with respect to the three .other cities, inasmuch as other events fell out in those countries both before and after the arrival of the Mongols, their several fates shall be related [hereafter] in detail*5 As for the rest of that region, he dispatched armies to the right and the left and to the East and the West and subjugated it all, including Abivard,6 Nisa,7 Yazir,8 Tus, Jajarm, Juvain, Baihaq/ Khaf,1® 2 Marachuq (the more usual spelling is Maruchaq), in Turkish * little Merv *, on the Murghab, now lies just inside Afghan territory on the frontier with Turkmenistan. 8 Bagh and Baghshur are two names of the same place. Its ruins lie near the station of QaTa-yi-Mor on the Tianscaspian Railway. See Minority* Huiut, 327. 4 See above, p. 13, n. 28. " 5 Whole chapters (XXVII and XXVUI) are devoted to Merv and Nlshapur, but there is no detailed account of the capture of Herat. See the Introduction, p. xxvi. 6 Abivard, also known as Bavard, * lay near the present villages of Abivard, at 8 Km. west of the Qahqa [Kaakha] stadon of the Transcaspian railway *. (Minorsky, of. dt.f 326.) 7 Nisa (or Nasa) was situated near the village of Bagir (Baghir) to the west of Ashkabad in Turkmenistan. (lift?.) 8 Barthold, K istoni onsbemya Turhstam, 41: ' About half way between Ashkabad and Qizil Arvat lie the ruins of the town of Durun. There stood here, in pre-Mongol times, the stronghold Qtrepost9} of Taq, which, not kter than the beginning of the thirteenth century, received the name of Yazir from the Turkmen tribe which settled there. See Tumansky, Zap. V.O., IX, 301.* (VJML) 9 Baihaq was the name of the Sabzavar district. 10 Spelt in Persian Khwaf. 11691-204 11691 Ala Ad Din Ata Malik Juvaini - - THE HISTORY OF Sanjan,11 Sarakhs and Zurabad :12 and by way of Herat they came to the country of Sijistan,13 massacring, plundering and ravaging. With one stroke a world which billowed with fertility was laid desolate, and the regions thereof became a desert, and the greater part of the living dead, and their skin and bones crumbling dust; and the mighty were humbled and immersed in the calamities of perdition. And though there were a man free from preoccupations, who could devote his whole life to study and research and his whole attention to the recording of events, yet he could not in a long period of time acquit himself of the account of one single district nor commit the same to writing. How much more is this beyond the powers of the present writer who, despite his inclinations thereto, has not a single moment for study, save when in the course of distant journeyings he snatches a hour or so when the caravan halts and writes down these histories! To be brief, then, in two or three months Toli subjugated cities with such populations that every borough thereof is a city, and from the surging [119] of creatures every one of them is an ocean; and whole regions were rendered like the palm of the hand and the mighty ones that rebelled were crushed in the fist of calamities. The last of all to suffer was Herat,14 and when he had joined her to her sisters he returned to wait upon his father. Talaqan had not yet been taken when he joined him; and with his help that too was conquered. And Khorazm, Jand and all that region were subjugated within two months. Now from the time when Adam descended until this present day no king has ever made such conquests nor has the like been recorded in any book.15 11 Apparently identical with Sangan (Sangun) between Turbat-i-Haidari and Khaf. 12 Zurabad appears to be identical with Zurabad or Zuhrabad, to the southwest of Meshed near the frontier with Turkmenistan and Afghanistan. 13 The Arabic name of Sistan (Seistan), the region in Eastern Persia and Western Afghanistan. 14 See above, p. 151, n. 5. Juzjani (Raverty, 1038) states that the Mongols took the town after a siege lasting eight months and massacred the entire population. 15 In the margin of B someone has written in this pkce: KSstid tu ntz wt-nivifbta M&, ' Would that thou too hadst not recorded it! * (M.Q.) 11691-205 11691 Ala Ad Din Ata Malik Juvaini - - THE WORLD-CONQUEROR [XXVII] OF MERV AND FATE THEREOF MERV was the residence of Sultan Saojar and the rendezvous of great and small. In extent of territory it excelled among the lands of Khorasan, and the bird of peace and security flew over its confines. The number of its chief men rivalled the drops of April rain, and its earth contended with the heavens; its from the greatness of their riches, breathed the breath of equality with the monarchs and emirs of the age and set down the foot of parity with the mighty and haughty ones of the world. A fair knd and a merciful lord, and a soil whse ckj bleed? ambergris ; And wbfn a man prepares to depart threfwm, by its very name it forbid? Mm to depart.1 When Sultan Muhammad (God illuminate his example!) had deposed Mujir-al-Mulk Sharaf-ad-Din Muzaffar from the governorship and vizierate on account of an offence committed by his uncle and had entrusted that office to the son of Najib-ad-Din Qissa-Dar,2 known as Baha-al-Mulkf; Mujir-al-Molk remained in attendance on the Sultan until the time when he fled from Tirmiz; [120] when Kush-Tcgin Pahlavan3 approached the courtiers resident at Merv in order to sound their views and brought tidings of confusion and dispersion and the advent of a strange army. And thereafter came messages from 1 Attributed by Tha'alibi in the Yatmfaxi-Dabr to Abu-*AH as-SajL The name Merv—in the Arabic character MRW—may also be read ma-ran *go not*. (M.Q.) 2 According to Nasawi (tr. Houdas, 168) Najib-ad-DIn Qissa-Dar had been * vizier of Jand *. As qissa-ddr he was * le fonctionnaire charge de recevoir les requetes, petitions et reclamations. A la fin de la semaine il reunissait tout son dossier; il le portrait le jeudi soir a la salle de reception, et quand le sultan avait fini de Fexaminer, il le remportait avec les solutions donnees/ Nasawi calls him ast^Shabrazifri, i.e. of Shehrizur in Kurdistan, and his son Baha-al-Mulk HajjL 8 The Kiich-Tegin Pahlavan of Nasawi (tr. Houdas, 115), according to whom (ibid., 229) he afterwards took part in the battle between Sultan Jalal-ad-Din and the Mongols near Isfahan. On this battle see below, ii, 436-7. Msb is simply a dialectical variant of the Turkish kucb * strength', * might'. 153 11691-206 11691 Ala Ad Din Ata Malik Juvaini - - THE HISTORY OF the Sultan adorned with signature and togbra and annotated with folly and impotence, whereof the contents and purport was that the levies, soldiers and officials should take refuge in the fortress of Margha and that the dihqans and all that could not remove themselves should remain where they were and should, whenever a Tartar army arrived, go forth with ceremony to meet them and preserve their lives and property by accepting a sbabna and obeying their orders. Now, when the King, who is, as it were, the heart, becomes weak in his limbs, how shall there remain strength in the members of the body ? And so timidity prevailed over events and fear over men, and bewilderment and uncertainty overwhelmed them. Baha-al-Mulk together with a great number of the nobles and military made every preparation; but when he reached the fortress he judged it inexpedient to remain there and set out for the castle of Taq-i-Yazir 4 together with some others. Others again departed to various places according to their fancy, while those whose reins had been seized by Destiny returned to Merv. As his deputy Baha-al-Mulk had left behind a man of the people who was the naqib. This man was inclined to surrender, and the $baikh-al-I$lam Shams-ad-Din Harisi favoured his idea but the cadi and the chief of the sayyils strayed from the path of rectitude and stood aloof. When it was confirmed that the army of Yeme and Siibetei had reached Maruchuq, they sent an envoy with tokens of submission and friendship. At this juncture, a Turcoman, who had been the leader and guide of the Sultan and whose name was Buqa, sprang up from a corner and, a number of Turcomans having gathered around him, [121] threw himself unexpectedly into the city, where a number of people that were opposed to submission and obedience to the Tartar army made common cause with him. The naqfb removed the veil of government from his face, and the Turcomans of all that region joined up with Buqa. A number of the inhabitants of Jand,5 who had fled from the levy and had turned towards Merv attracted by the abundance of its wealth, 4 I.e. Yazir. See above, p. 151, n. 8. 5See above, pp. 90-1. 154 11691-207 11691 Ala Ad Din Ata Malik Juvaini - - WORLD-CONQUEROR arrived at this time and sought with him; and so he acquired a large following. Meanwhile, the Sultan having found his rest€ on the of Abaskun, Mujir-al-Mulk, now riding a donkey, now on foot, turned his reins and passed by the castle of Su'luk.7 Here the Emir Shams-ad-Din CAH greeted him with honour and reverence; and from thence he came to Merv, where he in the Garden of Mahiabad at the Sarmajan Gate. Some of the officers of Merv, who were his liegemen, came to him individually; but Buqa would not admit him into the town being apprehensive of pressure from the common people. However, when a few individuals had gathered around him, they suddenly, in the middle of the day, covered their armour8 with their cloaks and threw themselves into the town* The Mervian levies at once girded their loins in his service, and Buqa came to him alone and was pardoned. The Turcomans and Jandians in the town, though numbering more than seventy thousand, also submitted to him. He thought himself in consequence superior to the rank of vizier, and his fancy kept the dream of Sultanship ever in his brain; for his mother had been a favourite in the harem of the Sultan whom the latter had given to his father and who, at the time she was delivered up to him, was already with child. In short, when the report of his success was noised through Khorasan, the lower classes (otAasb) [everywhere] turned towards him, and in the core of his heart the delusion became implanted that the heavens could not revolve without his leave nor the winds move through the plains of the air. At this time the people of Sarakhs had accepted a Tartar sbabna and submitted; and the sbaikb-al-Islam, who still had a leaning towards the Tartars, wrote whisperings to the cadi of 6 sukun: a word-play with Abutem, which Is here apparently not the port of that name but the Caspian Sea itself. Cf. below, ii, 385, where Muhammad is said to take refuge on * one of the islands of the Sea of Abaskun'. See also Minorsky, Hudud, 386. 7 According to Hamdallah (tr. le Strange, 148) the * strongly fortified castle of Su'luk' ky to the north of the town of Isfarayin. 8pusbisbba, which would normally mean * clothes", but cf. the use in the sense of* armour* in Minorsky, A Civil an& Military Review; 164. 155 11691-208 11691 Ala Ad Din Ata Malik Juvaini - - HISTORY OF Sarakhs,. who was his kinsman* [122] Mujir-al-Mulk had been informed of this of but said nothing: until one in the midst of a sermon from the pulpit in the cathedral mosque, there slipped from the tongue of the sbaikb-al-blam the words: * May the life-veins of the Mongols* enemies be severed ! * Those present in the assembly were much exercised by these words; and he himself was silenced, confused and bewildered, and said: * Such words passed my lips without my volition and my thought and intention was the contrary of what I said/ But when the moment is ripe* a prayer comes to the lips in accordance with the requirement of the time. God Almighty bath ml,f The is concerning which ye enquire!g These words also reached the ear of Mujir-al-Mulk and confirmed his suspicion; but he was related to the man, and he bore the name of sbtukb-tl-Mm and was in himself a learned man; and so Mujir-al-Mulk was unwilling to touch him without the evidence of proof such as all the world might see and none might deny or refute. Finally, a letter in his own handwriting which he had written to the cadi of Sarakhs was retrieved from the messenger in the middle of his journey; and when Mujir-al-Mulk read this letter he had him summoned and questioned him. He denied all the rumours and hints about his having dispatched the message. Mujir-al-Mulk then handed him the letter, which was like that of Mutalammis,10 saying, tf * Red what tbm hast written! " u As for the $haikh-al-hlam, when his eye fell on the writing, he became disturbed and confused. Mujir-al-Mulk ordered him to be taken away, and the officers (sarbangan) laid hold of him and poured the fire of calamity over him; they cut him to pieces with their knives, took him by the log and dragged him face downwards to the market place. Verily, the result of hypocrisy and guile is grievous and the consequence of treachery and betrayal disastrous. And on account of the submission of Sarakhs Mujir- 9 Koran* xii, 41. 10 I.e. it contained the bearer's death sentence. For the story of Mutalammis (i.e. Jarir) see the Klta!k-al"Aibm ed. Bdinnow, XXI, 193. (V.M.) 11 Koran, xvii, 15, where the meaning is: ' Read thy book.* 156 11691-209 11691 Ala Ad Din Ata Malik Juvaini - - continually sent troops and the of the town. Meanwhile Baha-al-Mulk had fled from the of Tag- i-Yazir and taken refuge in Mazandaran. Here he the Mongols and the levy, informed them of the position in Merv and offered to go thither and reduce the town and to furnish e¥ery year from every house a linen garment for the treasury. [123] His words met with their full approval and they dispatched him to Merv together with seven Mongols. Being unaware of the developments in Merv and ignorant of the jugglings of Fate, he arrived full of greed and avidity in Shahristana,1* where he received tidings of the taking of the town by Mujir-al-Mulk. He sent forward an officer to announce [his arrival] and wrote a letter to Mujir-al-Mulk whereof the contents were as follows: * If there were formerly differences between us and apprehension about the holding of office, all that is now over and there is no protecdon against the might of the Mongol army save in service and the acceptance of allegiance. Seven thousand Mongols together with ten thousand levies are approaching Merv, and I am allied with them; and they have in one moment razed Nisa and Bavard1S to the ground. And now, being moved by compassion and desiring concord between us, I have sent forward runners to inform you hereof, so that you may refrain from persistence in strife and not cast yourselves into the whirlpool of destruction and the oven of perdition.* Mujir-al-Mulk and the grandees and notables were divided in their opinions and distracted in their minds. The more responsible together with Mujir-al-Mulk himself wished to disperse and abandon the town; but they reflected that to rely upon the word of an interested party was remote from prudence and wisdom. They therefore took Baha-al-MulFs messengers aside, one by one, and interrogated them about the size of the army. When they discovered the truth of the matter, they slew them and dispatched two thousand five hundred from the 12 Or Shakristan. It lay 3 miles north of Nisa. See Barthold, Turkestan, 153, n. 16. 13 Or Ablvard. See above, p. 151, n. 6. 157 11691-210 11691 Ala Ad Din Ata Malik Juvaini - - OF of the Sultan's Turks to their forces. When Baha-al-Melk and the of their dispositions they in the direction of Sarakhs and Baha-al-Mulk*s officers The bound Baha-al-Mulk and bore him with them as far as Tus, they put him to death. Mojir-al-Molk's army proceeded as far as Sarakhs; and the cadi Sbanu-ad-Din, at the time of Yeme Noyau's arrival, had gone out to meet him with tozgbtt [124] and had handed over Sarakhs to the Mongols, becoming matik and governor of the town and receiving a wooden paiza14 from Chingiz-Khan, they seized him and delivered him up to the son of Pahlavan, Abu-Bakr Divana, who slew him in vengeance for his father. The rumours about the Mongols having by this time somewhat died down, Mujir-al-Molk and the notables of Merv concerned themselves with pleasures and amusements and gave themselves completely over to the excessive drinking of wine. At this juncture Ikhtiyar-ad-Din, the maltk of Amuya, arrived with tidings that the Tartar army was besieging QalVyi-Kalat and QaTa-yi-Nau w and that a detachment of them had come to Amuya and were at his heels. Mujir-al-Mulk made Ikhtiyar-ad-Din welcome; he joined the other Turcomans and took up his abode among them. A Mongol army of eight hundred men now attacked the town; but Shaikh Khan 16 and Oghul Hajib 17 arriving from 14 PAYZH. The Chinese p*m tzL On these * tablets of authority', as Marco Polo calls them, see Benedetto, 112-13. See also Yule's note, The Book of Sir MSTCQ Pol®, I, 3 $1-4, &r plates representing two silver pcazas found in Russian territory. Polo speaks only of gold and silver tablets: wooden paizas were given to minor officials. See Vernadsky, The Mongols ml R.ussia} 125-6 and 128. 15 Qalfa-yi-Kalat must be the famous stronghold afterwards known as Kalat-i-Nadra, for a description of which see Curzon, Persia and tfa Persian Question, I, 126-40. Qal*a-yi-Naii, *the New Castle*, has not been identified. (V.M.). 16 He had been one of the defenders of Samarqand. See above, p. 118. 17 He is referred to above, p. 124, as Moghol Hajib. See Barthold, op. tit, 433, n. 2. He appears to be identical with the Oghul Hajib of Nasawi (tr. Houdas, 19) on whom the title of fnaneh-Khan had been conferred. In the chapter specially devoted to this general (*WV 111-17) he is called Badr-ad-Din Inanch-Khan. He had been designated by Jakl-ad-Din to take part in the 158 11691-211 11691 Ala Ad Din Ata Malik Juvaini - - THE Khorazm with fell the of the Mongols, overcame and left the on the field. Some, less ied were by the Sultan's Turks Turcomans, captured sixty of them and after parading the quarters of the town and the market places put to- Shaikh Khan and Oghul Hajib in Dastajird.18 As for Ikhtiyar-ad-Din, the Turcomans leader; and forming a compact among away from Mujir-al-Molk and began to stir up such tumult and confusion that the face of the earth was made as black as the hearts of hypocrites, and strove to take possession of the town, Mujir-al-Mulk received tidings of their intention to a night attack and took counter measures. Being thus unable to achieve a victory and their position having become insecure, they retired to the bank of the river and set their hands to plundering ; they would come op to the gates of the town* pillage the villages and seize whatever they set their eyes on. It was at this juncture that Chingiz-Khan [125] dispatched Toli to conquer the countries of Khorasan with men of action and lions of battle; and raising levies from the subject territories which lay across their path such as Abivard, Sarakhs, etc., they assembled an army of seven thousand men. Drawing near to Merv they sent four hundred horsemen across the ford by way of vanguard. These came by night to the bank where the Turcomans were encamped and watched their activities. Twelve thousand Turcoman horsemen were assembled there and used at every dawn to go to the gates in order to attack the town. defence of Bokhara, and after the fall of the town had fled westward, first to the region of Msa and Abivard, then to Sabzavar and finally to Jurjan on the eastern shores of the Caspian, where he inflicted a defeat upon the Mongols. There is no mention of his passing through Gurganj; and yet elsewhere (tr. Houdas, 96) Nasawi, like Juvaini (ii, 401), speaks of his presence there at the time of Jalal-ad-Din's arrival from the West and even of his warning the Sultan of a plot against his person. 18 Perhaps the Dastagird mentioned by Hamdallah (tr. le Strange, 169) as lying on the road from Marv-ar-Rud to Balkh. 159 11691-212 11691 Ala Ad Din Ata Malik Juvaini - - THE OF Upon a j€t~bkck face was washed with pitch, when neither Mars was visible, nor Saturn, nor Mercury.18 the Mongols laid an ambush In their pathway and waited in silence. The Turcomans were unable to recognize one another [in the dark] and as they arrived in small groups the Mongols cast them into the water and on to the wind of annihilation. Having thus broken their strength the Mongols came like the wind to their encampment and left the trace of the wolf upon the herd. And thus the Turcomans, whose numbers exceeded seventy thousand, were defeated by a mere handful of men. Most of them flung themselves into the water and were drowned, while the remainder took to flight. For since the Mongols were aided by Fortune and assisted by Fate, none was able to contend with them and he whose time was not yet come fled away casting down his arms. The Mongols proceeded in this manner rill nightfall and collected on the plain a herd of sixty thousand cattle (including sheep) which the Turcomans had driven from the gates, as well as other possessions, the amount of which was beyond computation. On the next day, which was the first of Muharram, 618 [25th of February, 1221], and the last of the lives of most of the inhabitants of Merv, Toli, that furious lion, arrived with an army like unto a dark night and a raging sea and in [126] multitude exceeding the sands of the desert, * all warriors of great renown*. He advanced in person to the Gate of Victory together with some five hundred horse and rode right round the town; and for six days they inspected the outworks, walls, moat and minaret [sic] m and reached the conclusion that the townspeople's supplies would suffice to defend them and that the walls were a stout bastion that would withstand their attack. On the seventh day, When the shining sun sought to cast his glittering lasso from the lofty citadel, 19 Sbatwma ed. Vullers, 1065, 1. i. 20 manor*: perhaps the turrets on the wall are meant. 160 11691-213 11691 Ala Ad Din Ata Malik Juvaini - - THE the the Gate, They joined two the and attacking. ToH dismounted in person-He uttered a roar like a furious elephant, his shield above his head and showed his hand il •—and advanced upon them. And the Mongols attacked in his company driving them back into the town. Others from another gate but the Mongols stationed repelled the attack. And so the townspeople were nowhere able to achieve any result and could not even pot their heads out of the gates. Finally the world donned garments of mourning, and the Mongols took up positions in several rings around the fortifications and kept watch throughout the night, so that none had any means of egress. Mujir-al-Mulk saw no way out save surrender and submission. In the morning, therefore, when the sun had raised the black veil from his moonlike face, he dispatched Jamal-ad-Din, one of the chief imams of Merv, as his ambassador and sued for quarter. Being reassured by fair words and promises, he got together presents from the quadrupeds in the town—horses, camels and mules—and went to Toli [in person]. ToH questioned him about the town and asked for details regarding the wealthy and notable. Mujir-al-Mulk gave him a list of two hundred persons, and Toli ordered them to be brought into his presence. Of the questioning of these persons one might have said thate the Earth quaked with her quakingy 22 and of the digging up of their buried possessions, both money and goods, that * tbe Earth cast forth her burdens '.23 The Mongols now entered the town and drove all the inhabitants, nobles and commoners, out on to the plain. For four days and nights the people continued to come out of the town; the Mongols detained them all, separating the women from the men. [127] Alas ! how many peri-like ones did they drag from the bosoms of their husbands ! How many sisters 21 Shabaama ed. Vullers, 476, L 700. 2a Koran, xlix, i. ., xllx, 2. 161 11691-214 11691 Ala Ad Din Ata Malik Juvaini - - HISTORY OF did they separate from their brothers ! How many parents were distraught at the ravishment of their virgin daughters ! The Mongols ordered that, apart from four hundred artisans whom they specified and selected from amongst the men and some children, girls and boys, whom they bore off into captivity, the whole population, including the women and children, should be kiMed, and no one, whether woman or man, be spared. The people of Merv were then distributed among the soldiers and levies, and, in short, to each man was allotted the execution of three or four hundred persons. The people (arbab) of Sarakhs in avenging their cadi exceeded [the ferocity of] such as had no knowledge of Islam or religion and passed all bounds in the abasement and humiliation [of their fellow Moslems], So many had been killed by nightfall that the mountains became hillocks,24 and the plain was soaked with the blood of the mighty. We taue gnum oU in a knl In whose expanses one treads an nought htt the cbeeh of maidens and the treasts of striplings. Then, at Toll's command, the outworks were destroyed, the citadel levelled with the ground and the maqsma of the mosque belonging to the sect of the greatest imam Abu-Hanifa25 (God bwe mercy on Mm!) set on fire. One might have said that this was in vengeance for what befell in the time of the righteous rale of Shams-ad-Din Mas'ud of Herat, the vizier of the kingdom of Sultan Tekish ;28 who caused a Friday mosque to be built for the followers of the imam ShafiV7 which fanatics set fire to by night. When the Mongols had finished plundering and leading a4 Le. the mountains seemed no more dun hillocks when surrounded by the huge piles of dead. For MbM * mountains * M.Q. suggests the reading gwba * ditches *; but the emendation seems unnecessary. 25 Abo-Han2a an-Nu*man was the founder of the Hanifi sect, one of the four orthodox sects of the Sunnis. 26 On Sultan Tekish, the father of Muhammad Khorazm-Shah, see below, pp. 289-315- 27 Muhammad b. Idris ash-Shafi% was the founder of the Shafi'i sect of Sunni Islam. 162 11691-215 11691 Ala Ad Din Ata Malik Juvaini - - THE WORLD-CONQUEROR captive and massacring, Ziya-ad-Din *Ali one of the of Merv, who had been spared by reason of his received orders to enter the town and be emir of those that reassembled out of nooks and crannies* The also left Barmas m as When the army departed, [128] those that had sought in holes and cavities came out again., and there together some five thousand persons. A party of Mongols belonging to the rearguard then arrived and wished to have share of slaughter. They commanded therefore that each person should bring a skinful of grain out on to the plain for the Mongols; and in this way they cast into the well of annihilation most of those that had previously escaped. Then they proceeded along the road to Nishapur and slew all they found of those who had turned back from the plain and fled from the Mongols when halfway out to meet them. In this manner many persons lost their lives, and hereafter Taisi, who had turned back from Yeme Noyan*s army, arrived in Merv; he too laid balm on their wounds,29 and all that the Mongols found there were drawn out of the noose of life and caused to drink the draught of annihilation. By Got, we Iwt m violent times: if me saw item m a dream mt should ie tmjfiei. The people are m swb m evil jp%fe &rf be &at baf dkd deserves to rejoice.*® Now the sayyid Tzz-ad-Din Nassaba was one of the great sayyids and renowned for his piety and virtue. He now together with some other persons passed thirteen days and nights in counting the people slain within the town. Taking into account only those that were plain to see and leaving aside those that had been killed in holes and cavities and in the villages and deserts, they arrived at a figure of more than one million 28 Here BRMAS hot elsewhere BARMAS: apparently * he that does not go \ 29 Note Juvaini's irony. $0 Attributed by Tha'dibi in the Yatimat-ad-Dabr to Abel-Hasan Muhammad b. Muhammad known as Ibn-Lankak al-BasrL (M.Q.) o 163 11691-216 11691 Ala Ad Din Ata Malik Juvaini - - THE HISTORY OF hundred thousand. ?Izz~ad~Din quoted a quatrain of fUmai-i-Khayyam which was £ of the occasion: The form of a cup in which it has been moulded together Even the dtrunlard does not hold it lawful to shatter. So many lovely heads and feet—by his art Who has joined them in love and who has broken them in hate 2 S1 The Emir Ziya-ad-Din and Barmas both remained in Merv until news arrived that Shams-ad-Din the son of Pahlavan Abu-Bakr Divana had started a rising in Sarakhs. The Emir Ziya-ad-Din set out with a few men to suppress the rebellion; and Baxmas, after taking out of the town the artisans, etc., who were to proceed to Bokhara, [129] encamped outside. Hereupon a number of persons, the measure of whose lives was filled and their fortune reversed, thought that the sbabna had received tidings about the Sultan and was preparing to flee. They at once beat a drum and rose in revolt, on the last day of Ramazan, 618 [7th of November, 1221], Barmas came to the gate of the town and sent some men to summon the notables. No one showed his face or treated him with any respect; and in revenge he slew numbers of people whom he found at the gate of the town. Then he departed together with those that had accompanied him; among whom was Khoja Muhazzib-ad-Din Dashtabadi, who followed him as far as Bokhara. In Bokhara the sbabna died, and there the people from Merv remained. When Ziya-ad-Din returned he entered the town under the pretext of making preparations for his departure and distributed the plunder he had taken amongst the people. He also sent the son of Baha-al-Mulk to them as a hostage saying that he was his own son. He himself did not show his face but rose in rebellion with them and repaired the walls and the citadel; a number of people rallying around him. At this juncture a party of Mongol soldiers arrived. He judged it expedient to treat them well and kept them with him for some rime. When Kiish-Tegin Pahlavan arrived from the Sultan's retinue together with large forces and began to invest the town, some of the common people revolted and went over to him. Ziya-ad-31 One of the earliest quotations from Khayyam. 164 11691-217 11691 Ala Ad Din Ata Malik Juvaini - - THE WGRLD-CO'NQBEEOE Dinf realizing that his affairs could not a conflict of interests, set out for the of with the party of Mongols that were in attendance on ; aed Kiish-Tegin entered the town, where he to lay foundations, repair the fortifications, improve agriculture and mend the dam. Some of the people of the town dispatched a secret letter to Ziya-ad-Din urging him to return to the town. When he came back and halted at the gates [130] one of his followers entered the town and told some person of his arrival, The news at once reached the ears of Kiish-Tegin and Zip-ad-Din*s enemies. Kiish-Tegin dispatched a party of men and had him seized. Then he demanded his money of him. Ziya-ad-Din said that he had given it to prostitutes. Kiish-Tegin asked who they were. * They are/ he said, * persons of quality and men of trust who to-day are drawn up before you just as formerly they were drawn up before me; but when the time came for action they deserted me and set the brand of treason upon their foreheads.' When he realized that Ziya-ad-Din had no money and there was nothing to be got from him, Kiish-Tegin deemed his death to be his own life and considered his destruction the survival of the realm. After the death of Ziya-ad-Din he turned with an untroubled mind to his building and agricultural schemes and worked at the construction of a dam for the river, whereas the water of Destiny had burst the dam of his life and confined the water of his existence32 in the wells of perdition. While thus negligent [of events] he received tidings of the arrival of Qaracha Noyan in Sarakhs.33 He retreated by night by way of Sangbast34 together with a thousand picked (mufmd) S2 More literally, his * water of life', ak-i~hayat, i.e. * immortality *. The meaning of this figuradve language seems to be simply that Kiish-Tegin was about to experience a reversal of fortune and not that his death was at hand. In fact he survived to take part in the Battle of Isfahan. See above, p. 153, n. 3. 33 The approach of the Mongols, according to Nasawi, was due to his having marched on Bokhara and killed the Mongol sbahui. See Nasawi tr. Houdas, 115, also Barthold, op, dt> 448 and n, 5. 34 The text has swg~pwbt * tortoise * 1 Sangbast is a village some 20 tules to the sooth-east of Meshed. See Barthold, op. at., 449, n. 9. 165 11691-218 11691 Ala Ad Din Ata Malik Juvaini - - HISTORY OF horsemen. Qaracha went in his pursuit and overtook him at Sangbast slaying the greater part of his force; while his deputies remained in charge of the government of Merv.25 Three or four days afterwards some two hundred horsemen, who going to join Qutuqu Noyan,M arrived at Merv. Half of them continued their journey in order to carry out their ordccs, while the other half laid siege to the town and hurriedly sent to the generals Torfaci87 and Qaban38 in NaJkhshab reporting the gathering together of people at Merv; [131] for at that rime strangers from aH parts, attracted by the abundance of its wealth, had risen from their comers and turned their faces towards Merv; and the townspeople also out of patriotism were casting themselves into that well of stench. Within five days Torbdl arrived at the gates with five thousand men and accompanied by Humayun Sipahsalar, who had received the tide of Aq-MaEL They took the town within an hour; and putting camel halters on believers they led them off in strings of ten and twenty and cast them into a trough of blood* In this manner they martyred a hundred thousand persons; after which they distributed the various quarters among the troops and destroyed the greater part of the houses, palaces, mosques and shrines. The generals then returned to their post together with the Mongol army, leaving Aq-Malik behind with a small force for the purpose of laying hands on any persons that might have exercised prudence and escaped from the beak of the sword- 3S Kush-Tegin himsel£ according to Nasawi, fled first to Sabzavar and then to Juxjan» where he joined forces with Oghul-Hajib Inanch-Khan* See Nasawi tr. Hondas, 115, also Barthold, l&c. ctlL 38 Le. Sh%i-Qudiqu. See above, p. 13 5 and n. 8. 87TRBAY. E has TWRTAY, i.e. apparendy TWRBAY. As was already suggested by Barthold, kc. at., n. i, this general is probably identical with the Torbei Toqshin who had been sent across the Indus in pursuit of Sultan Jalal-ad-Din. 88 Reading QBAN with E in place of the QBAE. of the text. Cf. the Qaban who accompanied the Emir Arghun on a mission to China (ii, 506)* Qaban was also the name of a great grandson of Chaghatai, the Ciban of Marco Polo, See Hambis, Le cbapitre CVll, 92. 166 11691-219 11691 Ala Ad Din Ata Malik Juvaini - - crow3t by In a corner. put practice the impious forms of When no remained untried a person from them played the muezzin and gave the call to ; and all that came out of the holes in which they and crammed into the Shihabi college, down from the roof. In this manner many more For forty-one days Aq-Malik continued this work returned whence he had come And in the town remained not four persons alive. When there was no army left in Merv and its surroundings, all those that had remained in the villages or departed into the deserts turned their faces towards the town. And the son of an emir, a man called Arslan, again assumed the emirate of Mervf and the common people (*at/amm) rallied to his side. When news of what had happened at Merv reached Nisaf a Turcoman40 in that place collected an army of his tribesmen and came to Merv. The townspeople went over to him and so ten thousand people were gathered around him and he was emir for the space of six months, during which time he constantly sent forces to Marv-ar-Rud, Panj-Dih 41 and Talaqan to strike by stealth at the Mongols* baggage and carry off their cattle and horses. At the same time, desiring to take Nisa/2 the Turcoman proceeded thither with the greater part of his force [132] and laid siege to the town, the governor of which was Nusrat43 He continued the siege until Pahlavan,44 coming from the direction ®* ghurak-i-shamsbir: a pun, since gbtrak in Arabic means both *crow* and c edge (of a cutting weapon) *. 40 His name, according to Nasawi (tr. Houdas, 165), was Taj-ad-Din 'Umax b. Mas'ud, and he had also made himself master of Khurqan and Abivard. 41 Marv-ar-Rud is the modern Bala Murghab in Afghanistan. Panj-Dih (Panjdeh) is further down the Murghab in Turkmenistan. 42 There is a pun involved since msS (mw*) in Arabic means * women *. 43 His full name was Nusrat-ad-Din Hamza b. Muhammad b. Hamza b. *Umar b. Hamza. See Nasawi tr. Houdas, for. cU,t also 173-9. 44 Apparently Shams-ad-Din, the son of Pahlavan Abu-Bakr Divana, See above, pp. 158 and 164. 167 11691-220 11691 Ala Ad Din Ata Malik Juvaini - - THE HISTORY OF of Yazir, suddenly fell upon him, and he took to flight.45 Halfway back (Jar mfyan-i-rSb) he was attacked and slain by the governor of the castle. Meanwhile Qaracha Noyan had come from Talaqan to attack the Turcoman and had suddenly appeared before Merv. He again put salt on the burn, slaying all that he found and causing their grain to be devoured. And in his trail came Qutuqu Noyan with a hundred thousand men and began to torture and torment the inhabitants. And the Khalaj of Ghazna and the Afghans, who had been pressed into the levy, set their hands to such tortures as no man has ever seen the Eke* Some they laid on fire and some they killed with other torments, sparing not a single creature. In this manner they passed forty days and then departed; and in the town and the villages there remained not a hundred souls alive and not enough food even for these enfeebled few. And in addition to all these calamities, a person called Shah together with a small band of ruffians searched all the boles and cavities, and whenever they found an emaciated person they slew him. Some few such wretches escaped and were scattered throughout the country; and except for ten or a dozen Indians who had been resident in the town for ten years past there was no one left in the town. O mgbts of Royal Merv when we were all ttnited I God give thee to drink of the cloud of spring rains! We snatched Ate from the vtdssfotdes and uncertainties of Fate whilst the eye of Intention was anointed with the cdlyrmm of sleep. Now the vicissitudes of Fate have awakened and renewed their intention* and haw scattered them Mke rm m emy 45 E has a blank after the word for * casde * (aal'a), which Barthold, loc. at, takes to be the citadel of Nisa. It would appear however that the Turcoman was some distance from Nisa at the time of the attack 4e These Hues are quoted, under Merv, in the MuJam-al-Bttldan, where the third line has, instead of sayyarahm as in the text, sayyaranaf i.e. * scattered us like rain'. (M.Q.) 168 11691-221 11691 Ala Ad Din Ata Malik Juvaini - - THE WORLD-CONQUEROR [133] [XXVIII] OF WHAT BEFELL AT NISHAPUR IF the earth may be compared to the heavens, then the are like its stars and Nishapur, amongst these stars, is like the Fair Venus of the skies. And if it be likened onto a human being, then Nishapur by reason of its choice and qualities is like the pupil of the eye. Ami m mm m ami Semi Ait Nisbtpur Is the tbc is m the mm ? 1 Hail to the town of Nishapur ! For if there be a paradise on the lace of the earth it is this; and if it be not a paradise, then there is no paradise at alL Sultan Muhammad left Balkh for Nishapur, and the terror of the Last Day was apparent on the pages of his condition and fear and dread were manifest in his speech. And although by the influence of the heavens upon the centre of the earth things fall out such that if the picture thereof were imagined for one moment in the thoughts of the mountains their members would be shaken and their joints loosened for all eternity— There have befallen me calamities such that M they befall the days they would become nights 2 —yet to all this there were added hidden and imaginary fears in the likeness of dreams and the semblance of omens, so that weakness and neglect gained complete mastery over his being and his cogitative and imaginative faculties were rendered incapable of inventing, contriving and employing devices. One night in [134] his sleep the Sultan had seen luminous persons, their faces scratched, their hair disordered and dishevelled, clad in black robes like mourners; who smote their heads and 1 Lit what the mm is in the man, i.e. the man of the eye, in Arabic msfa-tl-'m, 4 the pupil of the eye'. The verses are by Abul-Hasan Muhammad b. Tsa al-Karaji and are quoted by Tha'alibi in the Tatmmat al-Yathw. (M.Q.) See EghbaFs ed., n, 68. 2 Attributed to Fatirna, the daughter of the Prophet. (M.Q.) 169 11691-222 11691 Ala Ad Din Ata Malik Juvaini - - OF lamentation. He them who they were and they replied, * We are Islam/ And similar things were constantly revealed to him. At this time, whilst going to visit the Shrine of Tus,a he two cats, one white and one black, fighting on the threshold. He determined to take an augury of his own fate and that of his enemy from the fight of these two cats. He stopped to watch; and when his enemy's cat was victorious and his own cat defeated, he heaved a sigh and departed. When Night spread ber tent, mrt tbou roused ty a raven croak&i upon an Ejyptwn willow? It is fating that the tears running from thy eyes should not k iriei; For m £&e croMys of the raven there was exile, and in Ac Egflp&m willow tb€ distance that keeps one just (mi of reach. ^ And by reason of the victory of the hosts of cares and griefs the night of his youth had drawn near to the dawn of age, and from the gbaliy®5 there had welled up a fountain of camphor,6 and from the heat of the bowels and the agitation of the bile fluid there had broken out upon the skin of his members the pustules of scabies like bubbles in boiling water. My father has related as follows: * In the midst of his flight, whilst proceeding from Balkh, the Sultan halted one day upon a hilltop to take his rest. For a time he gazed down on his beard, marvelling at the tricks of Destiny. Then turning to thy grandfather Shams~ad~Din Sahib-ad-Divan he heaved a sigh and said, ** If old age and adversity join forces and attack, and youth, prosperity and health disperse and flee, how shall this pain, be cured, which is the dregs of the cup of Fate ? and by whom shall this knot be unravelled which was tied by the revolving heavens ? **f To be brief, having in this manner arrived before Nishapur, 3 Masbh&i-^Tus^ the modern Meshed. 4 Probably by Abush-Shis al-KhuzTL The first line is introduced into one of his qfisOas by Manuchihri and attributed to this poet. (M.Q.) " 'Itya was a perfume composed of must, ambergris, etc., and Ikck in colour. ft I.e. his hair had turned white. 170 11691-223 11691 Ala Ad Din Ata Malik Juvaini - - on the of the nth of Safarf 617 [i8th of April, 1220], he entered the town, where from the of fear him he constantly frightened the people the Tartar and bemoaned the destruction of the fortresses which he had in the days of his prosperity, imagining that conceit assist him in rime of trouble. He urged the people to and depart* saying: * Since multitude of assemblies cannot avert or repel the Mongol army; since, indeed, when that people reach this place, which is the most iEustrious of lands [135] and the abode of the sain of the kingdom, they will spare no living creature but will put them all to the sword of annihilation and your wives and children will fall into the abasement of captivity; flight will then be of no avail, whereas if you disperse now it is possible that most of the people, or at least some of you, may be saved/ But since to quit their homes is. to mankind because of their love of country as the departure of the soul from the body and in the Glorious Koran exile is likened unto grievous punishment, in that passage where He Who is the most truthful speaker saith: f And were it not that God had decreed their exile, smely in ibis wmU would He have chastised them V and since Destiny had laid bold of their skirts, nay had thrust her neck out of her collar to them —' and He is closer to us than our neck-vein ';8—they would not consent to disperse. And when the Sultan, realized and perceived that the acceptance of advice had no place in their hearts, he commanded that although strength of arm would be of no avail nor the stoutness of fortifications be to any purpose, they should nevertheless hold it necessary to repair and rebuild the walls. The people accordingly set to work. And during these few-days reports about the Mongols had died down and the Sultan thought that they would be in no hurry to cross the river. He recovered his peace of mind and dispatched Jalal-ad-Din to Balkh; but when the latter had travelled one stage there came tidings that Yeme and Siibetei had forded the river and were close at hand. Jalal-ad-Din returned; and the Sultan, in order 7 Koran, lix, 3. 8 C£ Koran, i, 15: ' * . . and we are closer to him than his neck-vdb. 171 11691-224 11691 Ala Ad Din Ata Malik Juvaini - - HISTORY OF not to the people, mounted horse under the pretext of hunting and set his face to the road leaving the greater part of his retinue behind. «f left hr tk loon of fihtf lltssmi; jRw bt& tfkissitiiieSf the iays pass over like He left Fakhr-al-Mulk Nizam~ad-Din Abul~Ma*aK Katib Jami and Ziya~al-Mulk *Ariz Zuzani together with Mujir-al-Mulk Kafi 'Umax Rukhkhi to administer the affairs of Nishapur in common. When the Sultan departed, Sharaf-ad-Din, the Emir of the Assembly (amtf-i-mglis), who was a courtier and a trusted minister of the Sultan and had been appointed malik of Nishapur, was proceeding from Khorazm to take up residence in the town and take over the governorship. [136] When he had arrived within two stages of Nishapur, he suddenly died. The news of his death was concealed for fear his servants might plunder the treasury and his own personal property. Mujir-al-Mulk went forth as though to greet him and brought his servants into the town. They did not wish to remain and departed in the wake of Sultan Muhammad. The next day, which was the nth of Rabie I, 617 [24th of May, 1220], the vanguard of Yeme and Subetei Noyan under Taisi approached the gates of the town. They sent forward fourteen horsemen, who drove off several herds of camels, and also got news of Sharaf-ad-Din's retinue. A few horsemen galloped in their pursuit and overtook them three parasangs from the town. They were about a thousand horse: the Mongols slew them all. They made close inquiries of all they found regarding the Sultan, inflicting torture on their victims and forcing them to take an oath. They then called on the people of the town to surrender, and Mujir-al-Mulk answered as follows: * I govern this town on behalf of the Sultan and am an old man and a cleric. You are pursuing the Sultan: if you defeat him, the kingdom will be yours and I too shall be your 17* 11691-225 11691 Ala Ad Din Ata Malik Juvaini - - THE WORLD-CONQUEROR servant.* They gave provisions to the departed. Day by day fresh armies arrived, received provisions and their way. Finally, on the first of Rabic II [6th of June] Ycme Noyan arrived in person. He summoned the the cadi and the vizier; and they sent under their names persons from amongst the middle class to make arrangements about the provision of food (*ulufa) and the rendering of other small services. Yeme gave them a letter in the Uighur script and charged them to give provisions to all that came and to destroy their walls. He then departed; and wherever the people submitted the Mongols deposited baggage and left a When for some time the passing of Mongol armies had been less frequent and false rumours were current on men's tongues that the Sultan had been victorious in Iraq, the demon of temptation laid an egg in the brains of mankind. On several occasions the sbahna whom the Mongols had left at Tus sent messages to Shadyakh 9 saying that they should surrender [137] and not be deceived by idle words. He received rude answers from Nishapur. In the meanwhile the levies of Tus under their leader, one Siraj-ad-Din, a man from whom sense was a thousand parasangs distant, slew the sbabm and sent his head to Nishapur, not realizing that wkh that one head they had severed the heads of a great multitude and aroused from its sleep a great evil. In accordance with the proverb, c Evil makes the &&g to wbine,3 the sayyid Abu-Turab, who had been set over the artisans of Tus, proceeded to Ustuva 10 unbeknown to the citizens (arkab) and bullies (fattdnan) of Tus and told Qush-Temiir (who had been left with three hundred horsemen in charge of the animals) of the murder of the sbabna and the consequent disorders. Qush-Temiir sent a man to report the position to the noyans and himself left Ustuva for Tus with his three hundred horse. He surprised Siraj-ad-Din, who with three thousand men had seated himself in the court of command at Tus, slew the greater part of them 9Shadyakh was a suburb of Nishapur. 10 Ustuva, the classical 'AaTavrjvij, was the district of Quchan. 173 11691-226 11691 Ala Ad Din Ata Malik Juvaini - - THE HISTORY OF and until the arrival of the main army occupied himself with destroying the fortresses of Tus. When Toghachax Kiiregen (who was the son-in-law n of Chingiz-Khan) arrived with the great emirs and ten thousand men as Toll's vanguard and rode up to the gates of Nishapur in the middle of Ramazan [November], the people of the town conducted themselves with furious courage, and since their numbers were great and those of the Mongols less, they made frequent sallies and engaged in battle. And being weary of life they wrestled with lions and despite the crocodiles they embarked in boats only to be torn to pieces. Until the third day they fought fiercely from the Tower of Qara-Qush [138] and discharged quarrels and arrows from the walls and ramparts. By 11 In fact kfatgen (KWRKAN) itself means * son-in-kw'. On the various forms of the word see Mostaert and Cleaves, Trm documents mongols de$ ArcUves irnte vvticam, 474. This same tide was afterwards borne by Tamerlane (Tlmur Gfkakan) as the husband of a Chingizid princess. That Toghachar (TFAjAR) was a son-in-kw of Chingiz-Khan is confirmed by Nasawi (tr. Houdas, 87). (Houdas calls him Tifdjar, his text having TFjAR for an original TQjAR, ie» Toqachar, or TFjAR, i.e. Toghachar.) Juzjani too speaks of the death of a son-in-kw of Chingiz-Khan before Nishapur, though without mentioning his name. See Raverty, 992. Barthold, Turkestan, 423-4, identifies Toghachar with the Toquchar (or Toqochar) of the Secret History (§ 257) and Rashid-ad-Din (Smknova, 220), who was dispatched, in the wake of Jebe and Siibetei, in pursuit of Sultan Muhammad, and who then, disobeying the injunction not to molest the territory of Malik Khan, was either relieved of his command (according to the former authority) or killed in an encounter with the mountaineers of Ghur (according to the ktter). Neither authority, however, refers to him as a son-in-kw of Chingiz-Khan. He belonged to the Qonqirat tribe and was called Dakn-Turqaqtu (Khetagurov, 163) or Dalan-Turqaq (Smirnova, 163) Toqochar; and if he is identical with the Toqochar who, together with Aiajen (Arachan), was entrusted during the reign of Ogedei with the administration of the yms or post-stations (Secret History* § 280), he is clearly a different person from the Togliachar who fell before Nishapur. Toghachar is conceivably identical with Kiiregen Kuregen, a son of the ruler of the Qonqirat and the husband of Chintz-Khan's fourth daughter, Tiimelun. See Rashid-ad-Din tr. Smirnova, 70* Rashid-ad-Din seems to have been struck by the strangeness of the name, foe he comments: * Although kuregen means "son-in-kw", yet such was his name/ May it perhaps be that, in accordance with the Mongol custom, Toghachar's name had become taboo with his death and that he was referred to thereafter as Kuregen, * the Son-in-Law * ? See my article, On the Titles Given m Jmmm to Certain Mongolian Pmces, where I suggest that Ulugh-Noyan (Tolui), Ulush-Idi Qochi) and Qa'an (Ogedei) are instances of this 174 11691-227 11691 Ala Ad Din Ata Malik Juvaini - - THE an evil chance which was to be the of all an arrow was let fly whereby Toghachar fell the haYing made an end of him without his The Mongol army retired in the course of the day and prisoners escaped and came to the town with of his Whereupon the people thought that they had a deed, not realizing thatf afar & be its \l* When the army withdrew, Borkei1S Noyaa, who was Toghachar's second-in-command, divided it into two parts* He himself proceeded to Sabzavar, which he took fighting, ordering a general massacre^ so that seventy thousand corpses were counted that were buried. The other half of the army went to Tus to assist Qush-Temiir and took the remainder of the fortresses which Qush-Temur*s .army had been unable to practice. The confusion arising from the use of so vague a tide as Kikegrn might account for die absence of any reference, in Rashid-ad-Din and the Far Eastern sources, to Toghachar's violent end before NIshapur and even to his very existence, if in fact he is a different person from Toqochar. It would account also for Rashid-ad-Din*s uncertainty as to the identity of Tumelun's husband. He states elsewhere (Berezin, VTI, 200-1) that Ckb^-Khan gave her in marriage to Shinggii (§NKKW) Kuregen, the son of a Qonqkat emir called Afche (reading ALjW with two MSS. and Khetagurov for the ANjW of the text) or Darke (DARKIH) Noyan, and sent them into the Tomat country (to the west of Lake Baikal), where their descendants were still resident in Rashid-ad-Din's day; and yet he adds a little further on (fUd.f 203) that Tuxndun's husband was a Qonqirat called Dayirkei (DAYRKAY) Kuregen, apparently identical with Shinggifs father Darke. See also Khetagurov, 162 and 164. Alchu or Dayirkei (Darke) would appear to be identical with the AlcM Guregen of the Secret History, § 202, appointed by Chingiz-Khan to the command of 3,000 Onggirat. 12 Cf. Koran, xxxviii, 88: *... and after a time sball ye surdy "kmm Its message.* "Reading BWRKAY for the NWRKAY of the text. Barthold, op. cit., 424 and n. 2, identifies him with Borke (BWRKH) of the Jalayir, who, according to Rashid-ad-Din, accompanied Jebe and Subttei on their great expedition but died * on that side of the river', i.e. apparently to the east of the Oxus (Berezin, VII, 52)—elsewhere (tML, 278) it is stated simply that he died * on the way \ In Khetagurov's transktion his name is spelt in the first instance (97) Burke but in the second (194) Nurke. Ihave adopted the spelling Borke (i), but in fact the vocalization of the name is quite uncertain: it is not attested in the Far Eastern sources. See Pelliot, Horde A'Or, 48, n. i. According to Nasawi (tr. Houdas, 87-9) Borke (called Yerka by Houdas, his text having YRKA for BRKA) had been sent into Khorasan together with Toghachar, and they were in joint command of the operations which led to the capture of Nisa. 175 11691-228 11691 Ala Ad Din Ata Malik Juvaini - - THE HISTORY OF capture. And although the people of Nuqan and Qar14 offered fierce resistance and wrought countless deeds of valour, in the end the Mongols took Qar and slew all its inhabitants. As for Nuqan and Sabzavar they were taken on the 28th [of Ramazan: 26th of November, 1220] and the people massacred. Meanwhile, the people of Nishapur were engaged in open revolt; and wherever a detachment of Mongols appeared, thither would send bravos to seize them. That winter prices rose very high in Nishapur and the people were prohibited to leave the town, and for this reason most of them were in great distress. When the spring of 618/1221-2 came round and Toli had finished with Merv, he set out for Nishapur, none knowing of his approach. He collected and dispatched so large an army that in the region of Tus they seized all the villages with one blow and reunited with their companions aH that had escaped the sword. He also sent a large army in advance to Shadyakh with the mangonels and [other] weapons [139], and although Nishapur is in a stony region they loaded stones at a distance of several stages and brought them with them. These they piled up in heaps like a harvest, and not the tenth part of them were used. The people of Nishapur saw that the matter was serious and that these were not the same men they had seen before; and although they had three thousand crossbows in action on the wall and had set up three hundred mangonels and ballistas and laid in a correspondent quantity of missiles and naphtha, their feet were loosened and they lost heart. They saw no hope [of salvation] save in sending the chief cadi Rukn-ad-Din 'AH b. Ibrahim al-Moghisi to Toli. When15 he reached him he asked for quarter for the people of Nishapur, and agreed to pay tribute. It was of no avail nor was he himself allowed to return. At dawn on Wednesday the I2th of Safar [yth of April, 1221] 14 Qar, Unidentified. Perhaps we should read *Faz or *Fazh, Le. Bazh, the native pkce of Firdausl (V.M.) 15 Reading cbw with B. The text has BDRNA, which does not seem to make sense. C has U~Jar raft ta * he went to the gate and so . . .' 176 11691-229 11691 Ala Ad Din Ata Malik Juvaini - - THE the cup of the morning of iercely until midday prayers on the Friday, by the moat had filled in several place and a in the walL And because the fighting was fiercer at the Gate of the Camel-Drivers and in the Tower of Qara-Qush and more warriors engaged in these parts, the Mongols standard on the wall of Khusrau-Kushk and going up with the men on the rampart; while a force from the Gate of the Camel-Drivers also ascended the fbitMcations. And all day until nightfall they continued to mount the walls and to push the people down from the top. By the Saturday night all the walls and fortifications were covered with Mongols; and on that day Toll himself had arrived within three parasangs of ChangaraL16 The Mongols now descended from the walls and began to slay and plunder; and the townspeople fought back, dispersed amongst the palaces and mansions. The Mongols looked for Mujir-al-Mulk and dragged him out of a tunnel. In order that he might the sooner be drawn out of the noose of life, he spoke harsh words to them; and they finally put him to a disgraceful death. [140] They then drove all the survivors, men and women, out on to the plain; and in order to avenge Toghachar it was commanded that the town should be laid waste in such a manner that the site could be ploughed upon; and that in the exaction of vengeance not even cats and dogs should be left aHve.17 A daughter18 of Ghingiz-Khan, who was the chief wife of Toghachar, now entered the town with her escort, and they slew all the survivors save only four hundred persons who were selected for their craftsmanship and carried off to Turkestan, where the descendants of some of them are to be found to this day. 16 Reading CNKRK for the HNKRK of the text. Unidentified. (V.M.) 17 C£ Nasawi tr. Houdas, 92: * Sur Fordre des Tatars, des prisonnien en egaJjskent Je sol avec des pelles; la surface en devint si lisse qu'on n*y trouvait plus ni une motte, ni une pierre en sorte que les cavaliers n'ayant pas a craindre d'y voir trebucher leurs montures y installment un jeu de mail. La plupart des habitants perirent sous terre, car ils s*&aient refugi& dans des souterrains et sous des galeries creusees dans le sol, avec Fespoir d'&rhapper au danger/ 18 Perhaps his fourth daughter, Tumelun. See above, p. I74» *** **• 177 11691-230 11691 Ala Ad Din Ata Malik Juvaini - - OF They severed the of the slain from their bodies and them up in piles, keeping those of the men separate from of the women and children. After which* when Toii decided to proceed to Herat, he left an emir with four hundred Taziks to dispatch in the wake of the dead all the survivors that they found. Flics and wolves feasted on the breasts of sadrs; eagles on mountain tops regaled themselves with the flesh of delicate women; vultures banqueted on the throats, of houris. Tie knl kith ited for loss of them that bwe left ft : it is *$ thy JW km its soul. Abodes and dwelling places were levelled with the dust; palaces, which in loftiness had vied with Saturn in their abasement, professed humility like the earth; mansions were far removed from pleasure and prosperity; castles after all their haughtiness fill at the feet of abjection; rose gardens became furnaces; and the rows of the lands became e a level plain™ *, Aye, mtamMtes ^mt mskvel it, ml its Mils fawe hcme Uwly things acwstmel to kneeling. Upm my wtk, its does ttmH is like Imp mawtal in firymss md its sQil like pwmki musk, [XXIX] [141] OF THE ACCESSION OF THE WORLD-EMPEROR QA'AN TO THE THRONE OF THE KHANATE AND THE POWER OF WORLD-EMPIRE AFTER God Almighty—My are His names and great His ttesmp—in accordance with the words: ' With somewhat of fear and hunger, and loss of wealth, and lives, and fruits will we prove you' * had tried His servants upon the touchstone of calamity and melted them in the crucible of tribulation— I am in the fire of trial when thou causest clay to drip; I am on the stone of testing when thou assayest gold 19 Koran, Iv, w6. i.lW., ii, 50. 178 11691-231 11691 Ala Ad Din Ata Malik Juvaini - - THE •—and when in proportion to the of had each of them borne the of and in ance with the evilness of their actions and the of ways had drunk the brimful cop of * tbt of evil its like *; it being ordained that every event its and every beginning its end Wbm i is its fall is mjff and [Mohammed] (upon whom It I) md: c One of fad luck shall not overcome two pieces of good *; it became necessary in accordance with both reason and tradition that the treasures of the mercy of God—-great is His glory !—should again be opened up and the ease and comfort of His servants again provided for; and that all the different manifestations of His limitless charity and clemency should pursue and outstrip all the various distresses of His punishment in accordance with the text of' My mercy batb outstripped my wrath *; for * the first attaineth to the last*. When I come to an adverse period of my Hfc, when my body has to bear the burdens of camels, I do oof despair, for the mercy of the Pore Creator reaches everyone of His creatures though it be only a single atom. Gradually and regularly the traces of this clemency became apparent and the signs and marks thereof evident and manifest* And the prefacing of these remarks and the laying of these foundations announces the tale of the transfer of empire to the Lords of the World Ogetei Qa'an and Mengii Qa*an. I shall begin by describing in due order the accession of Qa*an» expressing myself with conciseness and brevity so that those that honour this book with their perusal may not reproach the author of these lines with garrulity [142] but may understand the purpose of this narration and learn in what manner Qa'an administered affairs and protected the commonweal; how he reduced the other climes, which were hesitating between hope and despair, to obedience and submission, some by threats and some by fair words, and brought them under his control and command; and how after his death Mengii Qa'an shored up the building of p 179 11691-232 11691 Ala Ad Din Ata Malik Juvaini - - OF justice Its and and strengthened the founda- tions thereof. God Almighty grant the success of truth ! he alighted at the quarter of kingship Qa*an bore the name of Ogetei. And Chingiz-Khan from the deeds he performed and the words he uttered was wont to deduce his fitness for the throne and [to rale over] kings and armies, and in his shutting and opening and loosing and binding used daily to ind the signs of valour and prowess in dealing with the affairs of the State and the defence thereof against the hand of fees. And by suggestion and allusion he used to paint the picture of this idea in the hearts of his other sons c like the picture on the stone *, and gradually sowed the seed of this advice in their innermost minds. When Chingiz-Khan returned from the lands of the West to his old encampment in the East, he carried out his intention to proceed against the Tangut2 And after the whole region had been purged of the evilness of his enemies and they had all been conquered and subjugated, he was overcome by an incurable disease arising from the insalubrity of the climate.3 He called to him his sons Chaghatai, Ogetei, Ulugh-Noyan, Kolgen,4 Jiircheteis and Orchan,® and addressed them as follows :7 * The 2 For a detailed account of this last campaign against the Tangut sec Grousset, L'Empre Mongol, 268-77. 3 For the various Far Eastern accounts of Chingiz-Khanfs death see Haenisch, Dk letztm Feldzuge Cm£jfc Han's tml $m Tod. The Secret History (§ 265) speaks of a fall from his horse during the winter of 1225-7, which may have been a contributory factor; but the only source that mentions the direct cause of his death is the kte (1601) Alton Tbkfe, according to which he died of a fever contracted in the Tangut town of Dormegel This fever, Haenisch suggests, op. dt> 548, may have been typhus, which is also compatible with Juvaini's reference to " an incurable disease arising from the insalubrity of the climate *. 4 KLKAN. His mother was Princess Qulan, the daughter of Dayir-Usiin, the ruler of the Uhaz-Merkit. (Smirnova, 71.) He was killed in Russia before Kolomna on the Oka. (Blochet, 46, also Minorsky, Cammed HI, 226 and 229.) 5JWR|TAY, According to Rashid-ad-Din (Smimova, 72) Jikchetei or Jiirchedei,c the man of the Jurchen', * the Manchurian *, was the son of a Naiman concubine. See also below, n. 7. 61 see in this name the second element of the Qodon-Orchan of Rashid-ad-Dii I «0 11691-233 11691 Ala Ad Din Ata Malik Juvaini - - THE severity of my [I43J is can be by ment, and, of a truth, one of you must the the power of the State and up has received so strong a foundation. Ji it fa if we &, Aft wf if mi 0s for km tt is fa m Art Ms k For if all my sons wish each of them to become Khan* and be the ruler, and not be subservient to one another, will it not be like the fable of the snake with one Bead and the snake with many heads (whereof mention has been made at the beginning of this book) ?>f When he had finished speaking these words and admonitions, (Khetagurov, 117, Smimova, $9), the Qodun-Orchang or Qoton-Orchang of the Secret History, on whom see Pdliot-Hambis, Cmpqgncs, 147 and 286. The form of the name in Rashid-ad-Din is Orchaqan (AWR]QAN). For the use of such diminutive forms c£ the Ch'awrman and Ch'awrmaghan of Grigpr (see Cleaves, The Mongolian Namesy 419, also below, p. 190, a, 31) and Jevairti's Qadaqan (see above, p. 94, n. 7) and Sibaqan (see below, p. 184, n. 15) beside the normal Qadan and Siban. Orchaqan, according to Rashid-ad-Din (Smimova, 72), was the son of a Tatar concubine. He is not mmtioned in the Far Eastern sources. See Hambis, Le £%te CWI, 52. See also the following note. 7 According to Rashid-ad-Din (Smirnova, 231-2) this interview took place in the spring of 1227, whilst the war against the Tangut was still in progress, in a place called Onqon-Dalan-Quduq, and of ChingLz-Khan's sons only (Dgedei and Tolui were present, the Conqueror specifically referring in his address to the absence of Chaghatai The presence, according to Juvainl, of Jurchetei and Orchan is particularly interesting. Rashid-ad-Din states categorically in one place (Smirnova, 72) that the former died * the earliest of all the sons' and that the latter *also died in childhood*. Elsewhere ($JV 169) he describes the Jiirchetei who took part in the campaign of 1213 in North China, as * the youngest son* of Chingiz-Khan. In fact, as Pelliot has suggested in his article, Sur un passage du Cbeng~wou tfing-tcfang lou, 919, this was probably a different person of the same name, viz, Jurchedei of the Uru*ut, who is several times mentioned in the Secret History and is the subject of a biography in the Yiitm AS>. Nevertheless Pelliot himself, op. dt, 923, identifies Jiirdbetei with the Pi-yin described in the Meng-Ta pei~b as the eldest son of Chingiz-Khan killed in battle when the Mongols attacked Si-ching, Le, Ta-t*ung in Shansi, in 1213 or 1214. 8 Bashama b. Hazn an-Nahshali. (M.Q.) 9 See above, pp. 41-2* 181 11691-234 11691 Ala Ad Din Ata Malik Juvaini - - OF arc the pivot of and their yasa, the aforesaid sons down and said; * Our is the king, and we art his thralls; we bow our to thy command and counsel,*10 Chingiz-Khan then spoke as follows: * If it is your wish to pass your lives in case and luxury and to enjoy the fruits of sovereignty and wealth, my advice, as I have lately given you to understand* is that Ogetei should ascend the throne of the Khanate In my place because he stands out amongst you for the excellency of his firm counsel and the superiority of his perspicacious understanding; and that the government of the army and the people and the defence of the frontiers of the Empire should be executed by his auspicious advice and good counsel. I therefore make him my heir and place the keys of the Empire in the hand of his valour and ability. What is your advice, my sons, concerning this thought and what is your thought concerning this advice ? * They again laid the knee of courtesy upon the ground of fealty and submission and answered with the tongue of obedience, saying: * Who hath the power to oppose the word of Chingiz-Khan and who the ability to reject it ? Heaven opens its eye and Fate lends her ear to every o>mmandment whkh thy counsel decrees. [144] Our welfare and that of our followers is dependent upon that wherewith the counsel of Chingiz-Khan is bound up, and the success of our affairs is entrusted to his direction/ € If, then,' said Chingiz-Khan, * your will be in agreement with your words and your tongues in accordance with your hearts, you must make a confirmatory statement in writing that after my death you will recognize Ogetei as Khan, and regard his command as the soul in the body, and suffer no change or alteration of what has been decided to-day in my presence, nor deviate from my decree/ 10 Sbalmma ed. Vulkrs, 1639, 1. 2352. 11691-235 11691 Ala Ad Din Ata Malik Juvaini - - All his and a In Chingiz-Khan's It to from he he on the 4th of Ramazan, 624 [i8th of August, 1227]." The princes then all set out for their of Intending In the new to hold the which In the Mongol tongue Is called They all to and made preparations for this As soon as the chfllness of the air and the violence of the cold had abated and the earth was cheered and gladdened by the blowing of the gentle zephyr— The zephyr has adorned this worldly abode with green; the world has become a pattern of the Hereafter. The zephyr, by performing the miracle of restoring the earth to Hie, has stolen all the glory of the miracles of Jesus —the aforementioned sons and their kinsmen sent a reky of messengers to spread the tidings of the death of Chingiz-Khan throughout the world and to proclaim that In order that no harm might come to the Kingdom, it was necessary to hold an assembly and decide the question of the Khanate. Upon this each man left his ordu and set out for the quriltai. From the lands of the Qifchaq 12 came the sons of Tushi, Hordu,18 Bam,14 11 On the 2jth of August according to the Ymn M (Kraose, 40), baling Men IE on the i8tL 12 The Qipchaq Turks, known to the Russians as Polovtsi and to Byzantium and the West as Comans, had dominated the steppes of Southern Russia for a period of nearly zoo years at the time of the Mongol invasions. See Mtnorsky, Hv&i, 315-17, Barthold, Histoire fas lures, 88-91, Grousset, L'Empm its Stepjxs, 241-2. Juvaini's Qifchaq, like the earlier Khifchakh, appears to be an Arabi-eized form of the name, but e£ the Khuch'akh and Khiwch'akh of Kirakos and the Khwch'agh (i.e. Khwch'agh) of Vardan. 13HRDW. The Orda (AWRDH) of Rashid-ad-Din and the Hordu or Ordu of Carpini. Pelliot, Horde fOr, 29-30, advocates the spelling Ordii Orda, Hordu or Ordu, the eldest son of Jochi, was the founder of the Khanate known as the White Horde In what is now Kazakhstan. See Grousset, , dt.t 469-70, Lane-Poole, The Mobmma&m Dywtstf&j 226-9. 14 On Batu see below, Chapter XXXVHI. 183 11691-236 11691 Ala Ad Din Ata Malik Juvaini - - HISTORY OF Sibaqan,15 Tangut," Bcrke,17 1S and [145] Togha- Tcmiir;11 from Quyas, Chaghatai; from the Emil and the Qobaq, Ogetei; from the East, their uncle Otegin, Bcigiiteiw Noyan, Elchitciai Noyan, * Yckii and * Yesungei ;22 and from the other parts, the emirs and that were stationed on every side. As for Ulugh-Noyan and his younger brothers, they were already in the of Chingiz-Khan. All the above-mentioned persons gathered together in the region of the Keliiren ;2S and when the world had begun to smile because of the alighting of the Sun at the house of Aries and the air to weep through the eyes of the rain-clouds— "Reading SYBQAN for the gYBQAN of the text. Sibaqan, a form of which PdBot, of. at., 44, is inclined to doubt the very existence, would appear to be the diminutive of the normal Siban, which also occurs in Juvaini (I, 205, where the text has §YBAN). Cf. the Siban or Syban of Carpini and the Stican of Rubruck. The later pronunciation of the name was Shiban, which was converted into Shaiban because of an imaginary connection with the Arab tribe of that name. In fact Siban may be a Christian name: PeUiot, op. at, 46-7, suggests that it is the Turkish form of Stephen. From the line of this prince there sprang, besides occasional rulers of the Golden Horde, the Tsars of Tiumen and the Uzbeg Khans of Bokhara and Khiva. See Lane-Poole, 0f. at., 239-40, Grousset, of. at, 556-68. i® TNKWT. The Tangqut (TANKQWT) of Rashid-ad-Din (Blochet, 120). 17 BRKH. The Berca of Carpini and Barca of Marco Polo. A convert to Mam, Berlce, as ruler of the Golden Horde, was the bitter enemy of the H-Khans of Persia and the ally of their most formidable adversary, the Mameluke Sultan of Egypt, See Grousset, op. dt.f 474-8, Spuler, Die GoUene Horde, 33-52. 18 BRKjAR. Perhaps * little Berke '. See PelEot, op. dt, 51-2. lf TTATYMUR. The Tuatemur, Thuatamur, etc., of Carpini,f or which Wyngaerfs text has Chucenur. He was the ancestor of the Khans of Kazan and die Crimea. See Lane-Poole, op. at,, 233-5, Grousset, op. dt., 549-56. ^BYLKTAY. He was Oiingiz-Khan's half-brother. ai AYLCTAY. He was tk son of Chingiz-Khan's brother Qachi'un. Other foms of the name are HJigidei (Ynm stnb) and Alchidai (Secret History). See Hainbis, op. dt.3 29-30. M Reading YKW W YSNKAY for the YKWB WRKAY of the text Of the corresponding passage of the Secret History (§ 269), where mention is made of* the princes of the left hand [i.e. the East] with Otchigin Noyan, Yeku and Yesiingge at their head *. Yekii and Yesiingge were the sons of Chingiz-Khan's brother Jochi-Qasar. 23 KLRAN. The Kerulen. See PeUiot, op. at, 121, n. r. The election took pkce, according to the Secret History, be. at,, in the district of Kode'e-AraL 184 11691-237 11691 Ala Ad Din Ata Malik Juvaini - - THE Jta wife fe mil ietf dr of ifi «7 i» toM tff & «f —when, moreover, the herbs and flowers had in the meadows and for wonder thereat the ringdoves in of and mead had sung a hundred songs in a thousand in unison with the nightingales— Now we must drink sweet-tasting wine, £x the of mask is rising from the stream; [146] The air is filed with clamour and the eardh hapf>f is he that lias a menrf heart to s* —all the princes, noyau* and emirs together with so large an army that the plain was filled therewith and the desert straitened with their multitude— When it plunged into the sea, Its format part M mt If we to its hindmost part enough water in the sett I® satisfy & single drinker. And If it made for land, its vanguard Ml not luvt t® Us rearguard enough space on lani for a single hrsemm —first of all feasted and revelled for three days and nights in succession filled with joy and delight, the impurities of deceit and envy remote from their secret thoughts— They gathered the jlower of 'deceit mi drew mar to the tree of union whose fruit mas ripening In a spot where they gave to drink abundance of pkaswre, and greatness of desire, and gowfaess of Ufs —and after some days they spoke of the affairs of the realm and the testament of Chingiz-Khan and read over again and again the written statements made by his sons that the Khanate should be settled on Ogetei. This counsel they adopted, and all the princes with an unanimity unmingled with evil or strife said to Ogetei: * In accordance with the command of Chingiz-Khan it behoves thee with divine assistance to set thy foot upon the hand of kingship in order that all the mighty ones may with one accord gird the loins of their lives with the girdle of submission MShabwma ed. VuHers, 1630, 11. 2372-3. For the juibar * stream* of the text (which Mohl also has) Vullers has Mhsar * mountains *. 185 11691-238 11691 Ala Ad Din Ata Malik Juvaini - - OF and and ears to obeying thy command/ Ogctcl replied as follows; * Although Chingiz-Khan*s command was to this effect, yet are my elder brothers and uncles, who arc more worthy than I to accomplish this task* and moreover, in accordance with the Mongol custom, it is the youngest son from the eldest house that is the heir of his father, and Ulugh-Noyan is the youngest son of the eldest ordu and was ever in attendance on Chingiz-Khan day and night, morning and evening, and has seen, and heard, and learnt all his yasas and customs. Seeing that all these are alive and here present, how may I succeed to the Khanate ? * [147] All that day till nightfall they debated together with gaiety and friendly emulation. And in like manner for full forty days they donned each day new clothes of different colour25 and quaffed cups of wine, at the same rime discussing the affairs of the kingdom. And every day Ogetei in a different way and in a style at once subtle and correct expressed these same sentiments. When the forty days had come to an end, on the morning of the forty-first— When dawn with augury of good fortune raised a world-illuminating banner, And the eyebrow of Abyssinia was puckered into a frown, and the Chinese mirror arose from China 25 Cf. Carpini's account of the election of Guyiik: * On the first day they [the Tartars] were all dressed in white purple; on the second day, and then it was that Coyuc came to the tent, they were dressed in red (purple); on the third day they were all in blue purpk, and on the fourth day in the finest balda-kins.* (Rockhfll, 19.) According to Khara-Davan the wearing of white on the first day symbolized the participation of Jochi's tdus in the election of the Khan, See Vemadsky, The Mongols mi RMSSM, 138-9. It should be noted however that the colours appear in a different order in the account of Carpinfs mission based on a statement made by his companion, Benedict the Pole, who ' told us orally that he and the other friar saw there about five thousand great and mighty men, who on the first day of the election of the king all appeared dressed in baldakin; but neither on that day nor on the next, when they appeared in white samites, did they reach an agreement. But on the third day, when they wore red samites, they came to an agreement and made the election'. (Rock-Mi, 37-8.) 186 11691-239 11691 Ala Ad Din Ata Malik Juvaini - - THE —the of all the having resolved, all the princes of up to Ogetei and said: * This Chingiz-Khan, has to of all his sons and and has to thy the binding and loosing, the tying and How then may we suffer any change or alteration of his or allow any transformation or violation thereof ? To-day, according to the astrologers and Is a a favourable and auspicious time, thou must with the aid of God —boly is His —be established upon the throne of sovereignty and adorn the world with justice and beneficence/ Finally, after much Importunity on their part and much refusing on the part of Ogetei, he obeyed the command of his father and followed the advice of his brothers and uncles. In accordance with their ancient custom they removed their hats and slung their belts across their backs; and It being the year 626/1228-9 M Chaghatai took his right hand and Otegin Ms left and by the resolution of aged counsel and the support of youthful fortune established him upon the throne. Ulugtt-Noyan took a cup, and all present in and outside the Court thrice knelt down and uttered prayers, saying, * May the kingdom prosper by his being Khan! * [148] And ij pemls adorn the kmty effaces, th kauty tf &y joct is m odornmmt fa pearls. And timt aMist frogmKt to Ae m&st extelkat of' fitgwices if Am do tut touch them—where, &b utbere fa Ay Wet ? And they named him Qa'an, and in accordance with the usual custom all the princes, in service and obeisance to Qa'an, knelt three times to the sun outside the ordu ; then re-entering they 26 Actually in 1229, though it would appear from Juvaini's narrative that the election took pkce in the spring of the year immediately following Chingiz-Khan's death, Le. in 1228. This is explicitly stated in the Secret History, according to which (loc. eft.} Ogedei was elected in the Year of the Rat, i.e. 1228. However, according to Rashid-ad-Din, nearly two years ekpsed before the holding of the election (Blochet, 15) and it was then held in the Year of the Ox, i.e. 1229 (ibid., 16-17). During 1228, according to the Yuan sKb (Krause, 41), Tolui was Regent of the Empire. 187 11691-240 11691 Ala Ad Din Ata Malik Juvaini - - HISTORY OF an assembly of mirth and sport and cleared the plains of merriment of the thorns of sorrow. The world-ruling Emperor seated himself upon the ladder of vigilant fortune, Heaven-assisted and powerful, and the princes, Orion4ike, girded the zone of service about the loins of affection before the sun of the heavens of greatness and power; while on the left were the ladies, each of them richly endowed with fairness and beauty, in their exquisite freshness and brightness resembling flowers and in their sweetness and purity Hke unto the verdure of spring. Her face, which is like a rose garden, is the spring of the world of the soul; Her mail-like tresses arc the lasso of the neck of patience; Her bow-shaped eyebrows are the crescent of the face of the sky; Ha ajnbei^sis-scatteriBg ringlets are the elegance of the cheek of beauty. All that beheld that assembly with its abundance of houris and striplings and its profusion of wine and milk exclaimed in excess of astonishment: By this thou shalt know how the highest paradise will be. The eyes of Time were brightened by the presence of Qa'an and the world by his influence became without hatred or anger. The realm hath a freslMaced market because the world hath a ruler like thee. The wind is heavy because of his resolve, the earth is light because of his clemency. The trees of peace and security after withering away were again filed with sap; and the cheek of Hope after being scratched by despair and hopelessness again recovered its lustre. The days from rest and quiet acquired the pleasantness of nights, and the nights from the geniality and brilliance of the fire of wine became like broad day. [149] Qa'an then ordered that they should open the deposits of the treasuries collected during so many years from the countries of the East and the West for the behoof of Chingiz-Khan, the 188 11691-241 11691 Ala Ad Din Ata Malik Juvaini - - THE total of which coold not be the of ledgers. He closed the mouths of the of their advice and allotted his portion to of his and soldiers, his troops and kinsfolk, noble and base, liege* master and slave* to each in accordance with his pretensions; and left in his treasuries for the morrow much nor little, neither great nor small Fw the U&n mt for & lay, At mt foot for tf yaw,87 And when he had done with feasting and bestowing and presents, in accordance with the custom ofr Verity me ow fathers with a religion \2B he commanded that for three days in succession they should prepare victuals for the spirit of Chingiz-Khan; also that from moonlike virgins, delightful of aspect and fair of character, sweet in their beauty and beautiful in their glances, graceful in motion and elegant in repose, such that' God hath promised to them that fear Him '/* they should select forty maidens of the race of the emirs and noyam to be decked out with jewels, ornaments and fine robes, clad in precious garments and dispatched together with choice horses to join his spirit.10 And when he had finished with these matters he began to concern himself with the administration of the kingdom and the management of affairs. First of aU he made a yasa that such ordinances and commands as had previously been issued by Chingiz-Khan should be maintained, and secured, and protected against the evils of change, and alteration, and confusion. Now, from all sides there had 27 Attributed by Tha'alibi in the Tatimmat-d-Yttkn* in one place to Abd-Harith b. at-Tammar al-Wasiti and in another place to Abu-Muhammad Lutfillah b. al-Mu'a£ (M.Q.) See Eghbal's «L, I, 48, and II, 89. 28 Koran, xliii, 22, 29 Ibid., xmt 35* 80 This custom was also followed in the case of Hiilegii. C£ Vassaf tr. Hammer-Purgstall, 97: * Es wurde nach mongolischem Gebrauche cine Grab-statte bereitet, viel Gold und Juwelen hineingeworfen und ihm einige wie Sterne schimmernde Midchen mit Schrnuck und funkdndem Geschmeide zu BeiscHa-ferinnen gegeben, damit er von der Wilderniss der Finsternisse, von dem Grauen der Einsamkeit, von des Grabes Bedrangnisse und peinHcher langer Wefle Verhangnisse verschonet bleibe/ 189 11691-242 11691 Ala Ad Din Ata Malik Juvaini - - HISTORY OF come and Informers to report and make known the of each of the and governors. But Qa*an said: * Every which until the day of our accession hath issued from the moeth of any man,, we shall pardon and cancel it; but if from henceforth any man shall set foot to an action that contravenes the old and new ordinances and yas&s, the prosecution and punishment of that man shall be proportionate to his crime.9 And after decreeing these y&$&$ he dispatched armies to all the climes of the world. In Khorasan and Iraq the fire of strife and unrest had not yet died down and Sultan Jalal-ad-Din was still active there. Thither he dispatched Chormaghuo 81 with a number of emirs and thirty thousand warriors. [150] To the lands of the Qifchaq and Saqsin and Bulghar he sent Koketein and Siibetei n Bahadur with a like army. Likewise to Tibet and SolangaiM he dispatched greater or lesser forces: to Khitai he decided to proceed in person accompanied by his brothers. All of these campaigns shall be hereinafter described so that B1JWRMAFWR The Chormaqan of the Secret History. As appears from Gogor*s History of the Nation of tite Archers, 301, it is the diminutive form of the name Chorman. See Cleaves, The Mongdun Nmes, 419. Chormaqan is hardly recognizable in the Chirpodan, Cyrjpodan, etc., of Carpini. 32 KWKTAY. Cf. the Kokedei who took part in an embassy from Ghazan Khan to Pope Boniface VIII. See Mostaert and Cleaves, Trms d&cments mongols Jes Archives secrltes wticmcs, 469 and 471. The name means * he of the swarthy complexion*. (Zfet, 473-4*) m Reading SBTAY for the SNTAY of the text, which however corresponds to the SWNDAY of Rashid-as-Din (Blochet, 18) and would appear to represent the name Sonkei oc Sonidei, * the man of the So'nit *. A man of this name actually appears in a list of Chorrnaghun's commanders. See Grigor, 303. His name had originally been Chaghatai but had been changed to Sonitei upon the death of a namesake. See Rashid-acl-Din tr. Khetagurov, 100, also my article, Of tfa Titles Gltfm injwebu to Certain Mongolian Prwces> 153-4, n. 39.. It is however far more likely dbat the great general Siibetei Bahadur is here meant. C£ below, p. 269, s4 SLNGAY. North Korea or the North Koreans, the Solangqas of the Secret History^ Solangi of Carpini and Solanga of Rubruck. This is perhaps the expedition under Jalayirtai referred to in die Secret History, § 274. See also below, p. 196, n. 18. I9O 11691-243 11691 Ala Ad Din Ata Malik Juvaini - - the and of of be : if God Almighty so will. [XXX] OF THE CAMPAIGN OF WORLD-EMPEROE QA*AN AGAINST KHITAI ANB CONQUEST OF THAT COUNTRY1 WHEN the crown of sovereignty had auspicioiisly upon the head of the World-Emperor and the bride of had been laid in the bosom of his ability, having dispatched armies to all the climes of the inhabitable quarter* he carried out his intention of proceeding in person against the clime of Khitai, whither he was accompanied by his brothers Chaghatai and Ulogh-Noyan and the other princes* together with so many leviathan-like warriors that the desert from the flashing of their arms and the clashing together of their horses appeared like a raging, billowing sea, whose length and breadth were beyond comprehension and whose shores and centre were indiscernible. The plain from the press of the cavalry vied with the mountains, and the hills were trampled underfoot by the stamping of the horses. The army was led by nobktnen ty wbtmt the atm&splxre was choked and the momtm t@p$ cnt&ti First of all they came to a town called * Khojanfu BalaqaSun2 and beleagured it all round from the banks of the river Qara- Miiren.3 [151] By the encircling disposition of their ranks they 1 For an account of this campaign based on the Chinese sources see Franke, Gescbtcbte des cbimsiscben fLetchf, IV, 285-90. See also Grousset, L*Empire $ks Steppes', 321-4, L'Empire M 11691-244 11691 Ala Ad Din Ata Malik Juvaini - - THE HISTORY OF tip fortifications; and for the space of forty days they fought fierce battles, the Turkish archers (who can, if they wish, with the discharge of an arrow, sew up the eyes of the heavens) charging to and fro with such effect that With every arrow that they let fly with the speed of a shooting star they hie the target. When the people of the town realized that to strike against the goad would yield no fruit but repentance and to quarrel with the fortunate was to attract misfortune and was the sign of desertion [by Fate], they asked for quarter, and for excess of weakness and terror the countrymen and townspeople At last all laid their heads on the threshold of the King's Court, while the Khitayan soldiers, to the number of a timen, embarked in a ship they had built and fled away. A great number of the townspeople, who had stretched their arms to combat, were dispatched ' unto the Fin of G®d and His Hell'; while their youths and children were carried off in the bonds of servitude and sent to other places. And when the Mongols departed from this town, Ogetei sent on Ulugh-Noyan and Giiyiik in advance with ten thousand men, whilst he himself slowly brought up the rear. When Altun-Khan,4 who was the khan of those climes, got tidings of the approach of the Mongol army, he sent back against them two of his generals, Qadai Rengii and Qamar Nekiider5 4 See above, p. 39, n. 18. This was Aksung, the last ruler of the Chin dynasty. * QDAY RNKW and QMR NKWDR. Of these two Chin generals the former, as Professor Cleaves points out in his letter of the I4th June, is unquestionably to be identified with the Qada of the Secret History (§§ 251 and 252), who appears as Ho-ta in the Yum M, Chapter 2 (tsee i), 314. RNKW (or perhaps Y RNKW) is conceivably a corruption of SNKM, i.e. senggm, the Chinese cbmg*c!m 'general*. See Pdliot, Notes sur le " Turkestan" de M. W. BtfrrfwW, 45, n. 5. As for QMR NKWDR, QMR is perhaps a corruption of TMR, Le. Temtir, and Nekuder is a perfectly good Mongol name (* the Slave*, see Cleaves, The Mongolian Names, 427). It is however more likely, as Professor Cleaves suggests in his letter, that QMR NKWDR is a corruption of Hobogetur, the name of a Chin general mentioned together with Qada in § 251 of the Secret History. 192 11691-245 11691 Ala Ad Din Ata Malik Juvaini - - with a The aroiys rendered over-conident by and numbers and the fewness of the Mongols* passed them and stood in a circle all round them, that in this way they would bring the Mongol army to who could then hold a hunting review and the finishing stroke. Ulugh-Noyan realized that the belt of resistance had drawn right and that the Khitayans might be countered by and deceit—for * war is fraud *—and their candle extinguished with the wind of trickery. Amongst the Mongols was a QanqH who was well versed in the science of yaif that is the use of the rain-stone. Ulugh-Noyan commanded him to begin practising his art and ordered the whole army to put on raincoats over their winter clothes and not to dismount from their horses for three days and nights. The Qanqli busied himself with his yd so that it began to rain behind the Mongols, and on the last day the rain was changed to snow, to which was added a cold wind. From this excessive summer chill, which was such as they had not experienced in winter, the Khitayan army were disheartened and dismayed and the Mongol army emboldened and exhilarated. Finally— When tbe red jrwdl of morning distinguished the white from die black —they beheld the army of Khitai like a flock of sheep—* the head of one at the tail of another'—huddled together in groups on account of the coldness of the weather and the excessive chill, their heads and feet tucked in like hedgehogs [153] and their weapons frozen with ice—e and thoa mightest have seen tbe 6 yai was the Turkish and Ja&a the Mongol name for the magical process of producing rain, snow, etc., by placing bezoar-stones in water. The Naiman* according to the Secret History (§ 143) and Rashid-ad-Din (Smirnova, 121-2), had attempted to employ this same device against the forces of Cningiz-Khan; but the storm they had raised turned against themselves, with disastrous effects. See also Grousset, L'Empire Mongol, 112-13. Quatremere, Hisfwe fas Montis & Pent, 328-35, has collected together a number of references in medieval Mohammedan authors to this method of rain-making. For an account of the practice in modern times see Frazer, Tbe CMm Boqgb, I, 305-6. 193 11691-246 11691 Ala Ad Din Ata Malik Juvaini - - HISTORY OF kid &$ thy k$l ken tlx of *.7 The 8 now ceased his yaif and the army issued forth behind them and like hawks falling upon a flock of pigeons, nay like charging upon a herd of dcerf they turned upon those deer-necked ones with the eyes of wild cows, the gait of partridges and the appearance of peacocks and attacked them from every side. The falcon seized the dove wich the beak of severity; the lion crashed the deer with the ckw of violence. They did not pollute their swords with their blood but from the backs of their horses dispatched them to hell with their lances. Ant the hodks of the sto^t-hearted amongst them were Unsolved fay the twist of the soltd-biarted spear® As for the two aforementioned generals they escaped together with five thousand men and cast themselves upon the water: with a discharge of arrows the Mongols laid them low and stretched them out on the black earth; and as for those two demon-like wretches, who were in the van with a hundred thousand10 men, though they crossed the water like the wind, yet soldiers who had crossed beforehand cast the fire of perdition on these abject ones; and it was commanded that the greater part of the army should commit upon them the deed of the companions of Lot, according as they saw fit.11 HoU lack and beware of the lance points which are a thicket through wUcb the serpent passed and returned 7 Koran, box, 7. a Lc. the master of the art of yd or rain-making. § From a a/sOa of Abu-Ishaq Ibrahim b. 'Uthman al-Ghazzi in praise of Mukram b. at-'Ala, the governor of Kerman. 10 This seems to be inconsistent with the fn thousand men mentioned just above. The whole army numbered a hundred thousand men. See above, p. 193. 11 This was apparently an act of reprisal for the insulting references made by the Chin troops to the Mongols* womenfolk. See Rashid-ad-Din ed, Blochet, 21 and 23. 12 From a a/sida of Abu-Ishaq al-Ghazzi, two halts of which have been quoted above, I, 63 [i» 81-2], (M.Q,) 194 11691-247 11691 Ala Ad Din Ata Malik Juvaini - - They a the ears of the l3 and scot to the to Qa'an. He too now arrived they turned Alton-Khan, at that in the town of Managing.14 For he continued to fight there; [154] then perceiving the of fortune had left the mould of his kingdom and the part of his army had been slain, he entered a house his wives and children, who were still with him* and wood to be laid all round the house and set fee to; so he was burnt alive.15 € He bst loth this ml th is the ntin! m And when the Mongol army entered the town, Thy their ml eyes to ami ik agitation of tbdr morals Sj ibcir jfwi.17 And they plundered and pillaged exceedingly, and wrought incalculable slaughter, and took immeasurable booty. They also captured several other towns and took prisoner so many moon-faced beauties, both youths and maidens, that all the ends of the earth were rendered flourishing thereby and all men*s hearts laid desolate. Ogetei left eAziz Yakvach in Khitai and, victorious and triumphant, turned his reins towards his own orJuf dispatching 13 C£ below, p. 270. So too after the Battle of Uegnitz * the victorious Mongols cut one ear off every enemy corpse they found on the battlefield; nine large bags of ears were collected *. (Vemadsky, Tk Mongols ml Rmm, 55.) 14 NAMKYNK. The Namging of the Secret History, i.e. Nan-ching, the southern capital of the Chin, the present-day K'ai-febg. 15Juvaini gives a somewhat garbled account of the Chin Emperor's suicide. Ai-tsung was no longer in K'ai-feng having fled first to Kuei-te and then to Ts*ai-chou (the present-day Ju-nan) near the Sung frontier. Hemmed in once again by Mongol and Sung forces and despairing of the possibility of further resistance he hanged himself in a pakce or pavilion, which was then set on fire, either in accordance with his own previous instructions or by the subsequent command of a close kinsman. See Franke, op. at., IV, 290, V, 157. 16 Koran, xxii, n. 17 Another line of the $wwk by al-Ghazzi in praise of the Turks. See above, I, 63 [i, 81-2]. (M.Q.) Q 195 11691-248 11691 Ala Ad Din Ata Malik Juvaini - - HISTORY OF armies against Manzi and to Solangai18 and other regions such as the lands of the Tangut, Tibetans and Su-Moghol ;1S as you shal hereinafter read. [XXXI] OF THE SECOND QURILTAI WHEN the Emperor, who was a Hatim in bounty and a Khusxau in affability, his mind set at rest regarding the conquest of Khitai, had proceeded in triumph to his place of residence and the princes and emirs whom he had dispatched to the ends of the inhabitable quarter had all of them attained their goal and object and [155] returned pleased with their success, his high counsel and lofty resolve required that he should again call together his children and kinsmen so that in consultation with them he might confirm the old and new yasas and ordinances, and they might again dispatch armies to such countries as they saw fit, and all the princes and armies, noble and base, might have their share of the gifts of his goodness and liberality, which were like the spring rain. Accordingly he dispatched messengers to summon them, and they all set out from their places of residence and turned their faces towards the Court. In the year . . .*, at 18 This too could be a reference to the expedition under Jalayirtai. See above, p. 190, n. 34- 19SWMTWL. Lit. 'Water Mongols', su being the Turkish word for 'water*, the * Sumongol, id est aquatici MongoH* of Carpini (Wyngaert, 51), the * Su-Moal, hoc est Moal aquarum * of Rubruck (iUL, 269) and the Shui Ta-ta of the Chinese: they inhabited the eastern part of Manchuria. See Bret-schneider, II, 175, n. 93 5» Professor Cleaves informs me, in a letter dated the 26th August, 1955, that he can find no evidence in the Far Eastern sources that Qgedei sent an expedition against the Shui Ta-ta. It is stated however in the passage from the Secret History referred to above (p. 190, n. 34) that Jakyirtafs expedition was intended to reinforce troops that had been previously dispatched against the Jurchen and Sokngqas; and Professor Cleaves suggests that in this instance the term Jiirchen may perhaps include the Shui Ta-ta, who appear to have been a branch of that people and are often mentioned in association with them in the Yuan sMb. 1 There is a blank in A and B. The correct year, as M.Q. points out, must be 632/1234-5 since this ^rfltm was held, according to Rashid-acMDin (Blpchet, 40-1), in the Year of the Sheep, Le. 1235. 11691-249 11691 Ala Ad Din Ata Malik Juvaini - - the che was a of I nmf2 and the of the the of the munificent like the of the King, and the by the continuous favours of the had coloured robes* and the and had drunk the sap of well-being and verdancy — The for far « ff lie ^f f fcf Jlx tk jfee raw $f am? if w de & 11691-250 11691 Ala Ad Din Ata Malik Juvaini - - HISTORY OF resident at Ac Court passed several days in sweet and pleasant content in the sanctuary of Qa*an*s royal munificence, which was raised up by the action and power of God, and complied with the following quatrain which I heard in Qara-Qoram: O thou whose lifetime is certainly bet a few days* What is even the empire of the whok world for a few days ? Enjoy thy share of life as best thou canst For these few days will pass away. And Qa*an in his wonted manner and in accordance with his usual practice opened the doors of the treasuries., which no man had ever seen closed, and distributed amongst all present, kinsman and stranger, all the valuables that had been gathered together from every clime since the holding of the first quriltai, scattering them upon small and great as the spring cloud rains upon grass and trees, Thy Jw$er$ jkml wtb Ukmtity in tmcs of misfortune, ml At sons of the earth cried out far kip tecwsc t!xy were &romin& therein. And firom all the corners of the earth there had come merchants, and speculators, and seekers of governorships (a*m3l) and appointments, and all returned having attained their goal and object, and succeeded in their wishes and desires, and received the double of what they had in mind. How many a poor man became rich, how many a pauper wealthy and prosperous! And every obscure person became a man of great account. When in this manner the feasting had come to an end, he turned to affairs of state and the disposition of the armies. And since there were many parts of the cHmes where the wind of rebellion had not left men's brains, he charged each of his sons and kinsmen with a different campaign and resolved once again to take part in person and set his reins in motion. [157] But after he had made up his mind, Mengii Qa'an, who, though in respect to age he was in the first stage of youth, yet with regard to wisdom and dignity was in the rank of the elders of the age and of experienced veterans, remarked upon Qa*an*s [decision] to take part [in person] and said: * All of us brothers and sons 198 11691-251 11691 Ala Ad Din Ata Malik Juvaini - - to thy and set our eyes aed ears to the of and the of in we to be commanded, Qa*an and amusements* and the enjoyment of and and himself from the toil of travels and the Otherwise of what use are so and ? G0 , jir ffc 0f tie iwf «*ff art When these aged words from the tongue of that incomparable prince had reached the hearing of those present, made their model and guide and each of them delivered a speech in the same manner until Qa*an too was convinced. Thereupon each of the princes and noyans was designated to a different campaign and they were dispatched to the East and the West, the South and the North. And since the tribes of the Qifchaq and the Keler 3 had not yet been completely crushed the chief attention was paid to the conquest and extirpation of these peoples. Of the princes Batu, Mengii Qa*an and Giiyiik were appointed to conduct this campaign and each departed to his own encampment with a large army of Taziks and Turks intending to set out at the beginning of the coming spring. They made preparations for the journey and started out at the appointed time. As for Qa'an he was exempted from the wearying of his person. Agents and scribes were dispatched to the regions that had submitted. Drawn swords were sheathed; the foot of tyranny and oppression was shackled; the hand of justice and munificence was opened; and mandates and yasas were written to every side saying that no man should injure another nor the strong impose upon the weak. The dust of disturbances and calamities subsided and all creation was secure. Qa'an's fame was spread by the north wind like a fragrant zephyr throughout 3 Le. the Hungarians. Keler (KLAR), like the Kerel of the Secret History (§§ 262 and 270), is a corruption of the Hungarian fe'mly 'king', the name of the ruler being applied to his people. See Pelfiot, Horde fOrt 115-23. 199 11691-252 11691 Ala Ad Din Ata Malik Juvaini - - HISTORY OF the plain of the world* and the report of his justice and bounty travelled to every horizon [158] and soared op like the Eagle, Tbw m & md thy j0Kmq$ on ; it the sal the And by reason of the fair tales that were spread about him the people of every side chose from sincere desire to be his subjects and considered temporal happiness to consist in obedience and allegiance to him. They therefore dispatched messengers with presents to his Court, and from the uttermost lands, on account of a name and lame compared with which the mention of former kings seemed naught but a fable, all the races of mankind vied with one another in hastening to do him homage. And so he passed his rime and had his full share of the enjoyment of listening to songs, and dallying with songstresses, and quaffing purple wine. Whit life is tlmt mbm wlssttmtes kst kng? Tlmt is life wbm j@y is wwerstL The A@y$ when I am honoured and my command obeyed, it is these tbtt I reckon as my life. For the remainder of his life he continued in this manner until suddenly on the 5th of Jumada II, 639 [nth of December, 1241], the Destroyer of Delights sprang out from ambush and unexpectedly discharged the arrow of Doom from the thumb of Destiny. Such is ever the wont of the Blue Circle : when it sees a man without grie£ it swiftly brings about his decline.5 The drinking-place of Life was muddied by the dust of Death, If it were possible for roses to exist without thorns, every moment there would be a fresh pleasure in the world. This ancient palace of Life would be pleasant to us if Death were not at the door. 4 The opening line of a * hunting poem * by Abu-Firas al-Hamdani (M.Q.) 5 Quoted again in III, 6 (i, 549). 11691-253 11691 Ala Ad Din Ata Malik Juvaini - - [XXXII] OF THE AND ACTIONS OF WHEN the hand of the creation of had the of the Empire upon the of his fortune* as has set forth, he dispatched to all and land, and most of the climes were purged of his The fame of his justice and beneficence became an in all ears and his favours and kindnesses like on the and forearms of all [159] His Court became an to all the world and his presence a refuge and to the whole earth. As the lights of the dawn of his equity were without the dust of the darkness of evening (sbam), so the extent of his empire reached from farthest Chin and Machin to the uttermost districts of Syria (Sbam), His bounty was general to all mankind, and waited not for month or year,1 His being and generosity were two coursers running neck and neck* and his nature and constancy twin sucklings at one breast. The mention of Hatim Tai was abolished during his lifetime, and the clemency of Ahnaf2 was as nothing compared with his. During hk reign the reeling world came to rest and the cruelties of the implacable heavens were tempered. In the time of his Khanate Heaven, that swift steed that had never been tamed, ambled gently under the saddle of obedience to him. And in the prospect of his mercy and compassion hope revived in every breast. And such as had survived the sword remained in the noose of life and the bed of security. The banners of the Mohammedan faith were unfurled in the farthest lands of infidelity and the remotest countries of polytheism, whose nostrils the scent of Islam had not yet reached. And opposite the temples of idols were reared up the shrines of God the Merciful. The fame of his justice caused the chaining of strays, and the report of his bounty occasioned the capture of wild beasts, 1 I.e. he was generous at all times, not merely on festive occasions, 2 Ahnaf the son of Qais was a pre-Iskmic Arab famous for his clemency ' ZOl 11691-254 11691 Ala Ad Din Ata Malik Juvaini - - HISTORY OF of the awe he inspired the froward were enslaved, and by reason of the severity of his punishment the haughty were humbled. His did the work of the sword, and the pages of his letters stole the lustre from the sabres of cavalry. He mtb fear be and put to Jltgbt letters^ sqwutrons. The generals of his Court and the servants of his fortune led armies to the East and the West, while Qa'an was able to dispense with being present in person, and in accordance with the verses, The world Is half for rejoicing and half for acquiring lame. When thou loosenest thine own bonds are loosened, and when thou kindest thoti thyself art bound, and in opposition to the words of advisers and censurers, rejecting this saying of theirs: When the kfog spfmts Ms m&rmngs engaged in amusement, Ms kfagim to mm ml fastwction? [160] he was ever spreading the carpet of merrymaking and treading the path of excess in constant application to wine and the company of peri-faced ones of beautiful form. In the distribution of gifts he bore the palm from all his predecessors. Being by nature extravagantly bountiful and liberal he gave away everything that came in from the farthest and nearest parts of the Empire without its being registered by accountant (mttstaufi) or inspector (mushrif). And he drew the line of cancellation through the sum total of the tales of former kings, since it appeared to be bashv 4 compared with the expenditure of his own actions, and marked as paid (tarqm minihad) the fariz 5 of past traditions, which was wrong from beginning to end. No mortal returned from his presence without his lot or share and no petitioner heard from his tongue the words No and 8AbuMFath Busti. (M.Q.) 4 1.e. entries in kind of which the ultimate cash value was doubtful. 5 I.e. cash entries. On the terms tutsbv and fariz see above, p. 32, n. 18* 202 11691-255 11691 Ala Ad Din Ata Malik Juvaini - - Q w orff (if 11691-256 11691 Ala Ad Din Ata Malik Juvaini - - THE HISTORY OF And the of olden rime were mentioned together with customs and usages* and reference was made to their up and hoarding of gold and silver* he would say that those who deposited valuable treasures beneath the earth were devoid of their share of intellect and strong understanding, for no distinction could be made between that treasure and the dust, seeing that it could be neither the cause of warding off harm nor the occasion of a source of advantage. When the day of doom arrived, of what assistance would be the treasures they had laid by and of what avail to them ? Wkrt are th Kbtsrws, tiwjirsi mgbty ones? They stortl up treasures, and the toctsttres en&rei not, M thy * As for us, for the sake of our good name we shall store up our treasures in the corners of men's hearts and shall leave nothing over for the morrow. Even in their sleep the Sultans of the age do not see as much wealth as Is the tenth part of what we bestow as presents from what is ready at hand. We have given the silver and gold of the whole world to mankind because they are the acts of generosity of our risHess hand.* The above is but a brief account of his actions. It may be that those who hear and read this history will regard these statements as belonging to the category of ' The fairest poetry is the falsest \ In order to prove their truth we shall in a succinct manner free from the contingencies of detraction or hyperbole recount some few anecdotes wherefrom these statements may be fully confirmed, though indeed they are but little out of much and as one out of a thousand. [i] It is laid down in the yasa and custom of the Mongols that in the season of spring and summer no one may sit in water by day, nor wash his hands in a stream, nor draw water in gold or silver vessels, nor lay out washed garments upon the plain ; it being their belief that such actions increase the thunder and »M«anabbi (M.Q.) 204 11691-257 11691 Ala Ad Din Ata Malik Juvaini - - THE For in the It of the time from the of the of and the clashing of the thunder is such [162] it rlifj into 11691-258 11691 Ala Ad Din Ata Malik Juvaini - - THE HISTORY OF he was examined, to say that he was a poor man with many obligations, that this was his whole capital and that it was for this reason that he had acted so rashly. On the next day the guilty man was examined in Qa*an*s presence. Qa*an listened to the excuse with the ear of acceptance, but by way of precaution someone went to the spot and the batisb was taken out of the water. Then Qa'an said: * To whom could it occur to meditate breaking our yast and commandment [163] or swerving a single hairVbreadth therefrom ? But it seems to be that this man is a person of poor estate and little property and so has sacrificed himself for a single falisb* He commanded that the man should be given ten more bttisb in addition to the one; and a written statement was taken from him that he would not commit a similar action again. And so he not only escaped with his life but acquired property. And on this account freemen became the skves of this act, which was better than immense treasures. Ant from Us fair suwrd there cam hMes wbereuntb the freeman mas enslaved and the careworn 1&eratd.lz [it] When they first rose to power they made a ya$a that no one should slaughter animals by cutting their throats but should slit open their breasts after the Mongols* own fashion. A Moslem bought a sheep in the market, took it home, closed the gates securely and slaughtered the animal after the Moslem fashion in [the lane between] two or three houses, not knowing that he was being watched by a Qifchaq, who, awaiting his opportunity, had followed him from the market. When he drew the knife across the sheep's throat, the Qifchaq leapt down from the roof, bound him tight and bore him off to the Court of the World-Emperor. Qa'an examined the case and sent out scribes to investigate. When the circumstances were made known to his clear intellect, he spoke as follows: * This poor man has observed the commandment of our yasa and this Turk has infringed it.* The Moslem's life was spared and he was 13 From a aasUa by Ibrahim b, 'U&man al-Gbazzi in praise of Abu-'Abdalkh, the governor of Kerman. (M.Q.) This anecdote is also recounted by Juzjani. See Raverty, 1107-9. 2O6 11691-259 11691 Ala Ad Din Ata Malik Juvaini - - favour the was over to the of Fate, If one of thy favour the the off its the jaws of the [iii] A troupe of players had come Khitai and wondrous Khitayan plays such as [164] no one had before. One of these pkys consisted of tableaux of in the midst of which an old man with a long a turban wound round his head was dragged forth upon his face bound to the tail of a horse, Qa*ae asked who this meant to portray. They replied that it represented a rebellious Moslem, for that the armies were dragging them out of the lands in this manner. Qa*an ordered the show to be stopped and commanded his attendants to fetch from the treasury all of jewels from the lands of Khorasan and the two Iraqs, such as pearls, rubies, turquoises, etc., and also gold-embroidered webs and garments, and Arab horses, and arms from Bokhara and Tabriz; and likewise what was imported from Khitai, being garments inferior to the others, small horses and other Khitayan products; and all these things he commanded to be laid side by side so that it might be seen how great was the difference* And he said: * The poorest Moslem has many Khitayan slaves, while the great emirs of Khitai have not one Moslem captive. And the reason for this can only be the beneficence of the Creator, Who knoweth the station and rank of every nation; it is also in conformity with the ancient yasa of Chingiz-Khan, according to which the blood-money for a Moslem is forty hdkh and for a Khitayan a donkey. In view of such proofs and testimonies how can you make a laughing stock of the people of Islam ? This crime you have committed ought to be punished, but I will spare your lives. Count that as a total gain; depart from my presence forthwith and be seen no more in this neighbourhood.* [iv] A certain ruler from . . .14 sent a messenger to him and KD has: * Someone sent a messenger to him who was son of the king (padsMh) of Badakhshan . . / The corresponding passage in Rashid-ad-Dm (Blochet, 64) runs: * One of the rulers (ffwtefe) of Persia (Irfc-zamm) sent a messenger . . / £07 11691-260 11691 Ala Ad Din Ata Malik Juvaini - - THE HISTORY OF a desire to yield him homage and obedience, sending among other gifts a polished ruby which had come down to him fiom the victories of his ancestors. [165] The name of Mohammed the Prophet of God was written on top of the stone, while beneath it in due order were impressed the names of his forefathers. Qa'an commanded the jewellers to leave the name of Mohammed for luck*s sake but to erase the names of the sultans and to set his own name after the name of the Prophet if mi peace I) and that of Him Who sent him. [v] A poor man, who was unable to earn a living and had learnt no trade, sharpened pieces of iron into the shape of awls and mounted them on pieces of wood. He then sat down where the retinue of Qa'an would pass and waited. Qa*an caught sight of him from afar and sent one of his attendants to him. The poor man told him of the weakness of his condition, the smallness of his property and the largeness of his family and gave him the awls. But when the messenger saw his clumsy awls, whereof even a hundred would hardly have been worth a barleycorn, he thought them unworthy of being presented to Qa*an and so left them with him and [returning] told what he had seen. Qa*an ordered him [to go back and] bring all the awls that the man had with him. And taking them in his hand he said: * Even this kind will serve for herdsmen to mend the seams in their qumiz15 skins with.* And for each awl he gave the man a ktlisb. [vi] An aged man, whose strength had been exhausted by the revolution of days and nights, came to Qa'an and asked for two hundred lalish of gold to form a company with him. Said one of the courtiers: * The sun of this man's Hfe has reached its evening, and he has no children or grandchildren or any fixed dwelling or abode, and no one is acquainted with his condition.* Qa'an repKed [166]: * Since he must have cherished this wish in his heart during all his long Hfe and ever sought such an opportunity, it would be remote fiom magnanimity to send him from our presence disappointed and frustrated, nor would this 15 qumizf ic. fermented mare's milk, is the cosmos of Ruferuck, who gives a detailed account of its manufacture. See RockhiU, 66-7, 208 11691-261 11691 Ala Ad Din Ata Malik Juvaini - - be of the God has us. Give he for he to his O / wlf jwf is£ ff*f fk jwf fwll fttf ir % Jto Tk 0f ffo few i«lf Hill ie Mr 11691-262 11691 Ala Ad Din Ata Malik Juvaini - - THE HISTORY OF that he had noc one Idt and offering some uoaccept-excuse. Qa*an ordered him to be given the same amount again. In a year's time the man returned even poorer than the first time and gave some other excuse. He was given another ive hundred klisb. When he returned the third time the were afraid to communicate his message. Instead they denounced his wastefulness and extravagancy saying, * He wastes and devours this money in such-and-such a country.* € How,* asked Qa'an, * can one devour lalisb ? * They replied that he gave them to worthless persons and spent them on food and drink. * Since the baUsb themselves are there/ said Qa*an, * and since those who take them from him are also our subjects, the money remains in our hands and is not scattered underfoot. Give him as much as you gave him the first time but tell him to stop being wasteful and extravagant.* Atl I tml Mm m Mb cmiims tog&er mifomi Mm mm gatcrws m Us rtt$m Am m &t [x] There is a town in the clime of Khitai called *Tayanfu,20 the people of which presented a petition saying, * We have incurred a debt of eight hundred balisb, which will be the cause of our undoing, and our creditors are demanding payment. If an order is given for our creditors to be easy with us for a time, we shall then be able gradually to repay them and shall not be uprooted and scattered.* * If we order their creditors to be easy with them,* said Qa*an, * they will suffer a great loss, and if we leave things as they are the people will be ruined and homeless.* He therefore commanded a proclamation to be made and declared throughout the realm that whoever had a claim on them [168] should bring documentary proof or else the debtor should produce the creditor and he should receive cash from the treasury. And the door of the treasury, which had never been shut, was opened wide, and the people came thither and received 19 From a psida by Ibn-al-'Amid, the famous minister of the Buyids. (M.Q.) 20 The text has TAYM'W, which I haw emended to TAYNFW, Le. Tayanfu. Cf. Marco Polo's Taianfu for Tai-yuan fu, which was then the capital of the province of ShansL See Yule, The Book of Ser Marco Polo, II, 15, n. 2. On the other hand cf. Blochet, 66-7, n. k, 210 11691-263 11691 Ala Ad Din Ata Malik Juvaini - - THE ; no to be creditor debtor so ; so received double the sum they had fe & ram & jwl to on? d* is dx [xi] When he was on his hunting ground him two or three water-melons. None of his or garments available, but MogeM Khatun» who present, had two pearls in hot the two of the Lesser Bear when rendered auspicious by conjunction the radiant moon. Qa'an ordered these pearls to be given to the man. But as they were very precious she said: * This man does not know their worth and value: it is like giving saffron to a donkey. If he is commanded to come to the to-morrow, he will there receive Misb and clothing/ * He is a poor man/ said Qa'an, * and cannot bear to wait till to-morrow. And whither should these pearls go ? They too will return to us in the end. Give tben md U not stmff wben a kgggr ^gprmnkr, far I kwc m attachment Acrtto, ml art n& mj excuses! 22 At Qa'an's command she gave the pearls to the poor man, and he went away rejoicing and sold them for a small sum, round about two thousand dinars. The buyer was very pleased and thought to himself: * I have acquired two fine jewels fit for a present to the Emperor. He is rarely brought such gifts as these/ He accordingly took the pearls to the Emperor, and at 21MWKA. According to Rashid-ad-Dim (Khetagurov, 149-50) she was the daughter of the ruler of the Bekrin, who gave her in marriage to Chingiz-Khan. After his death she became in accordance with the Mongol custom the wife of his son Ogedei, who * loved her more than his other wives so that they were jealous of her*. (Cf. below, p. 218, where it is stated that he loved her * more than all his other ladies'.) She was evidently a woman of considerable attractions. Chaghatai too was enamoured of her and having sought her hand too late refused the offer of any other of his father's ladies as a substitute. Ogedei had no children by ha and this is perhaps the reason why she is not mentioned in the section on his wives and concubines (Blochet, 3-4). 22 See the SMnd-Hmasa, Bdbq, ed., IV, 67. (M.Q.) R 211 11691-264 11691 Ala Ad Din Ata Malik Juvaini - - THE HISTORY OF that rime Mdge Khatun was with him. Qa*an took the pearls and said : * Did we not say that they would come back to us ? The poor man did not leave us disappointed but gained his end, and the pearls too have come back to us.* [169] And he distinguished the bearer with all kinds of favours. j-s fat tk m ml the ?m mt the to* m$t rtsemUmg eatb other the ml so prmses h>tb mn mi sea. [xii] A stranger brought him two arrows and knelt down afar off. Qa*an commanded his attendants to inquire into the man's condition and find out what he wanted. The man said : * I am by trade an arrowsmith. I have incurred a debt of seventy Misb and that is the reason for the confusion of my affairs. If it is commanded that I be given this quantity of Misb I will deliver ten thousand arrows every year/ Said the Harim of the age : * Unless this poor fellow's affairs are entirely distraught and he is in despair, he will not accept so contemptible an amount of balisb in return for so many arrows. Let him be given a hundred faalisb so that he can mend his affairs.* When they brought the batisb the old arrowsmith was incapable of carrying them. Qa*an smiled and commanded an ox-wagon to be brought also> and the old man loaded the lalisb on it and went his way. AxA Am Hist lw& him with wealth, wherewith the stages art tightened to bm Ami crosseth the foot.23 [xiii] At the time when he ordered the building of Qara-Qorum and the royal mind was busied with this scheme, he one day entered the treasury where he found one or two ttimm of balisb, * What comfort,* he said, * do we derive from the presence of aU this money which has to be constantly guarded ? Let the heralds proclaim that whoever wants some t>alisb should come and take them.* Everybody set forth from the town and bent their steps towards the treasury. Master and slave, rich and poor, noble and base, greybeard and suckling, they all received what they asked for and, each having obtained an abundant 23 From a qasMa by Ibrahim b. 'Uthman al-GhazzL (M.Q.) 212 11691-265 11691 Ala Ad Din Ata Malik Juvaini - - left his and tip for his 11691-266 11691 Ala Ad Din Ata Malik Juvaini - - THE HISTORY OF bad, he would command them to be bought at the full price* And it usually happened that without casting a glance at their wares or inquiring the price he would give them all away. The merchants would then calculate to themselves: * This cost so much and that so much/ and for * one * they would say * ten? and every shell they would call a pearl. When the merchants had noted 'this custom of his, they used to open their bales and then turn away; and in one or two days* rime, though their wares had been the Sea of Oman, there remained thereof not one drop. The merchants would then return and state the prices of their goods; and it was Qa'an's command that whatever the price amounted to, his officials should raise it by 10 per cent (dab~yazdab) and pay the money to the merchants. One day the officers and ministers of his Court represented to him that it was unnecessary to add this 10 per cent seeing that the price of the goods was already in excess of their real value. * The dealings of the merchants with our treasury/ [171] said Qa'an, * are for the purpose of their acquiring some benefit and securing some advantage under our protection. And indeed these people have expenses to pay to your tittttcbb, and it is their debt to you that I am discharging lest they depart from our presence having suffered a loss.* An! wby Ml the wor& of men mtbboU this from well-doing ? and who tars the way of Um that encounters a wolf? 28 [xvii] Some people from India brought him two tusks of ivory, He asked what they wanted and was told * Five hundred talisb.' Without the slightest hesitation he ordered them to be given this amount. His officers made a great outcry, asking how he could give so large a sum for so contemptible a matter. * Moreover,* they said, * these people come from an enemy country.* * No one/ he replied, * is an enemy of mine.* So extravagantly iocs be strive to fa generous that be causes enemies to receive the gifts of bis bands, [xviii] At a time when his brain was heated with cups of wine, in a time of debauch when he had grown merry, a man 28 Mutanabbi. (M.Q.) 214 11691-267 11691 Ala Ad Din Ata Malik Juvaini - - a hat the of the of Khorasan. He his to the a for They the ing he had such a sum On the day at the time the self at the Qa*an*s glance fell upon and, the being laid before him, he commanded Ms to it up to three hundred There the ; and day he added a hundred until the to six Then summoning his emirs and scribes he in this world of growth and decay was would endure for ever. They replied with one voice that was not. Then, addressing himself to the Minister Yalavach, he said: * That is wrong. Good repute and fame endure for ever in this world.9 Thenf turning to the scribes* he said: * You are my real enemies; for it is your wish that no fair monuments or good reports should remain as a memorial to me. You think perhaps [172] that if I give someone a present when I am drinking it is because I am drunk; and that is why you delay payment and hold up what is due. Until one or two of you are punished for their deeds as a warning to their fellows, no good will ever come of you.* Oder? tkm I &ky the censwms, tfbers tlmn I U Ae reproachful I ojtjwse tbost wba rtprwA »f for Uvmg berf my I go farther.** [xix] At the time when Shiraz had not yet submitted, a person came from that place and bending his knee spoke as follows: * I have come from Shiraz, because of the fame of the Emperor's generosity and goodness; for I am a man with a family and have many debts and little backing; and my petition is for five hundred Idish, which is the amount of my debt/ Qa*an ordered his officials to give him what he had asked for and to add the same amount again. They hesitated, saying, ' To add to what he asked for is extravagance, if not ruination/ 29 The second of these two "basts is ascribed in the Dmyat-d-Qflsr to Abo-Bakr *AH al-Quhkanl (M.Q.) 215 11691-268 11691 Ala Ad Din Ata Malik Juvaini - - THE HISTORY OF He answered: * Because of our fame this careworn wretch has traversed many mountains and plains and experienced hot and cold; and what he asked for wiE not meet the expenses of his journey hither and his return home, nor will it be sufficient to cover his debt. Unless it is added to it will be as though he returned without achieving his object. How can it be considered just that a poor man after travelling so great a distance should return disappointed to his family and children ? Give him the full amount that I said without any delay or procrastination/ The poor man returned home rich and joyful, and with the Emperor there was left fair fame in this world. When the petitioner comes from afar to sue Urn, be boUs it mknifttl to refuse Urn wfon be bos a large family*® [xx] A poor man came to his Court with ten thongs tied to a stick* He opened his mouth in prayer [for Qa'an] and took his stand at a distance. The royal glance fell upon him, and when the officers inquired about his business he spoke as follows: ** I had a kid in my household. I made its flesh the sustenance of my family, and out of its hide I fashioned thongs for the men-at-arms, which I have brought with me/ Qa'an took the thongs [173] and said: € This poor fellow has brought us what is better than goats/ And he ordered him to be given a hundred Misb and a thousand head of sheep. And he added that when all this was consumed he should come to him again and he would give him more. In the morning Ms bounty was the harbinger of morning showers and the messenger of provisions and victuals. [xxi] A man brought him a hundred bone arrow-heads. He gave him the like number of balisb. [xxii] It was his custom to pass the three winter months in the pleasures of the chase, and during the remaining nine months he would sit down after breakfast on a throne outside his Court, where, heaped up in piles according to their kind, was every sort of merchandise that is to be found in the world; and these 30 From a aasida by Ibrahim b, 'Uthman al~Ghazzi, a bait of which has been quoted above, 169 [212], (M.Q.) 216 11691-269 11691 Ala Ad Din Ata Malik Juvaini - - THE WORLD-CONQUEROR he woold scatter amongst Moslems and Mongols and cast before fortune-hunters and suppliants. And it would often happen that he would command persons of great size and bulk to take as many of the wares they chose as they could hold in their arms. One day he so commanded a person of this description and the man took as many costly garments as could be contained in the arms of several [normal] persons. As he went away one of the garments fell to the ground; and when he had taken the others home he returned to fetch the one he had dropped. c How,* said Qa*an, * can a man have the trouble of a journey for the sake of a single garment ? * And he commanded him again to take as many as he could carry. Were Hatim alive be would experience the generosity of thy bawl; there is no doubt tbat be would fa converted at thy band. [xxiii] A man brought him two hundred whip handles made of the wood of the red willow (talarkhun) which they burn in those parts as firewood. He gave him a balish for every stick. And seekers after boons came to him in crowds from every quarter craning their necks. And they obtained from bis bands tbat which they smgbtf and be gave the glad tidings of his generosity in his wonted way.31 [174] [xxiv] A person brought him three of these same sticks and he gave him half of that amount, i.e. a hundred hlisb. [xxv] When Qara-Qorum was first being built he happened to be going through the market and passed by a shop in which jujubes were exposed for sale. He felt a craving for this fruit, and when he sat down in his Court he ordered Danishmand Hajib to take a balish from the treasury and go and buy some. Danishmand went to the greengrocer, took a trayful of jujubes and paid a quarter of the lalisb, which was double the value of the jujubes. When the tray was set before Qa'an he remarked: * A Ulisb is a very small price for so many jujubes/ Danishmand took the rest of the lalisb out of his sleeve and said: * They cost but little/ Qa'an upbraided him roundly and said: * When has S1 From a qasida by Abu-'Ali al-Fadl b. Muhammad at-Tarasti. (M.Q.) 217 11691-270 11691 Ala Ad Din Ata Malik Juvaini - - THE HISTORY OF this man ever had a customer like us ? Make up the price to ten hlisb and give him them all/ Ms kneftts, wbicb are not knefts fat necklaces the necks of men.n [xxvi] He was going hunting and the house of the Minister Yakvach happened to lie on his way. Tuzgbu was brought forth and Yalavach told him the story of Solomon, the ant and the locust's leg.S3 It was a pleasant spot ; Qa'an had the joy of wine in his head ; and Moge Khatun, whom he loved more than all his other ladies, was beside him. He condescended to alight, and outside his tent he laid carpets ofnasij 34 and brocade (zaftwft) and strewed the inside with the bubbles of pearl necklaces. And when they were seated upon their thrones he poured a great quantity of royal pearls over their heads. And bad 1 fastomd what was worthy of tbee, I bad bestowed npm the all the wsfktow stars of tbe tewens?* And that day he watched many spectacles and gave a robe and a horse to all that were present in his service. And the next day he ordered the Minister Yalavach to be honoured with all manner of valuable presents, [175] to which were there added four hundred balisb. His famty extended to tbe flock and to the shepherds. [xxvii] He commanded a hundred balisb to be given to a poor man. The Ministers of the Court said to one another: * Does he know how many dirhems there are to so many ia&b ? ' They took the hundred bdish and scattered them where he would pass by. And when he passed by he asked, * What is this ? * 32 The Cadi Hasan Mu'ammal b. Khalil b. Ahmad al-Busti, a contemporary of the Ghaznavids, (M.Q.) 83 The ant brought Solomon a locust's leg as the choicest gift she had to offer. The story is referred to by Sa'di in his Gulistan. See Arberry, Kings and Beggtrs, 91 and no. 34 mstjf in Turkish nastcb, the nask of Rubruck and the nasfcb of Marco Polo, was * un tissu fait de sole et d*or *. See Pelliot, Unt ville musulmtme Jans k Cbine in Nord sous ks Mongols, 269, n. i. 86Abul-Fath Busti. (M.Q.) 11691-271 11691 Ala Ad Din Ata Malik Juvaini - - THE WORLD-CONQUEROR They replied that it was the hundred klbb for the poor man. * It is a miserable amount,* he said. And so they doubled it and gave it all to the poor man. Ktst Us fingers, wUcb are not Jwgers hit the keys to pwisms?* [xxviii] A certain person had made a deal for a hundred Mkh with his emirs and treasurers. He gave orders that the man should be paid in cash. One day a poor man was standing at the door of Qarshi.37 When the World-Emperor came out his glance fell upon the man and he thought: * Is this perhaps the same person to whom the hundred Misb are to be paid ? * And he called his officials to account, saying, * Days have passed since we commanded that this man's money was to be paid in cash without any delay or procrastination/ He waited where he stood, and the qorcbis*s went to the treasury to fetch the falfcb. Putting a hundred lalisb in the hems of their gowns they brought them to the poor man. * What are these faUsb ? * he asked, and they replied, * They are the talisb to be given in payment for your wares/ When they realized that he was someone else, they took the latisb back and informed the Emperor. * It was his good fortune/ he said. * How can anything be returned that is taken out of our treasury ? * And so they gave all the money to the poor man. The clams of chivalry pass judgment on my wtalA: supererogatory acts of chivalry are obligatory duties in the eyes of the generous?* [xxix] An Indian woman with two children on her back was passing by the gate of Qarshi. Qa*an, who had just returned from the country, caught sight of her and ordered the treasurer to give her five balisb. [176] He took them to her at once, but put one in the pocket of his cloak and gave her only four. The 3« Ibn-Duraid. (M.Q.) 37 a/rsti in Mongol means * palace *. The reference is perhaps to Qadhi-Soii See below, p, 237. 38 jwdW means Ht. * quiver-bearer *. On the institution of this office by Chingiz-Khan and the ditties performed by the ^orchis seethe Sore* History, §§ 124, 225 and 229. 38 Ibn-Dtiraid (M.Q.) 2,19 11691-272 11691 Ala Ad Din Ata Malik Juvaini - - THE HISTORY OF woman noticed that one was missing and pleaded with him to give it to her. Qa*an asked him what the woman had been saying. He replied that she was a woman with a family and was littering a prayer. Qa*an then asked, * What family has she ? * * Two small orphans/ replied the treasurer. When Qa*an entered Qarshi he went to the treasury and ordered the woman to be summoned. Then he commanded her to take of every kind of clothing that pleased her fancy as many embroidered garments as a rich and wealthy man would wear. Thou art a guardian of orphans m place of their fathers fo that wt msb that we ourselves were orphans.*® [xxx] A falconer came to him with a falcon upon his wrist. * What sort of falcon is that ? * asked Qa'an* * It is a sick one,* said the man, * and its medicine is the flesh of fowls/ Qa'an ordered his treasurer to give the man a lalisb. The treasurer took the man with him, gave a balisb to a banker and from that sum credited him with the price of several fowls. When Qa'an's eyes next fell on the treasurer he asked him what had happened about the falcon and the treasurer told him of his efficiency. Qa*an was angry and said: * I have placed in thy hands all the wealth of the world, which cannot be counted or calculated, and even so much is not sufficient for thee/ He went on: * That falconer did not want a fowl, he only used that as a pretext to seek something for himself. Everyone that comes to us—those that say, ** We shall become ortaqs and take baUsb in order to give interest," and those others that bring wares, and those others again of every sort that come to us—we know that they have all fashioned a net in a different way, nor is it hidden from us. But we wish everyone to have comfort and repose from us, and so they receive a share of our fortune, and we pretend not to know their circumstances/ And he commanded that several lalisb should be given to the falconer. [177] [xxxi] A certain person was a bow-maker and made bad bows. He was so well known in Qara-Qorum that no one would pay a single barleycorn for his wares; and he had 40 From a qasita by Abu-Tammam in praise of the Caliph Ma'mun. (M.Q.) 220 11691-273 11691 Ala Ad Din Ata Malik Juvaini - - THE WORLD-CONQUEROR no other trade. The bow-maker became poor and embarrassed in his affairs; and he could think of no other device than to take twenty bows, bind them to the end of a stick and take his stand at the gate of the ordu. When Qa'an came out he sent someone to ascertain who the man was. * I am,* he said, * that man whose bows no one will buy. I have no other trade and so my affairs have become embarrassed* I have brought twenty bows to give to Qa*an.* Qa'an ordered his attendants to take the bows and to give the man twenty Misb. [xxxii] A valuable jewelled belt was brought to Qa'an. He examined it and bound it round his waist. A stud became loose at one end of it and he gave it to one of his courtiers to get the stud fastened. The officer in question gave it to a goldsmith whose name was Rashid Sudagar. The goldsmith took the belt and sold it. And every day when they came to claim it he had some different excuse. When this procrastination had passed all bounds Qa'an sent a bailiff to make him give it back. He was forced to disclose how he had got rid of it, and on account of this impudence they bound him, bore him before Qa'an and explained what had happened. 'Although the crime is a great one/ said Qa'an, * yet his resorting to such an action is a proof of weakness, impotence and poverty, for if his affairs had not been utterly confused he could not possibly have ventured upon such an act. Let him be freed and give him a hundred and fifty lalisb from the treasury so that he may mend his affairs and not presume to do the like again/ If thy kindness is of the substance of thy being, it is to the body a picture of the soul. Only be gavt abundantly that gavt with apologies, and only he pardoned that was strong.*1 [xxxiii] Someone brought him an Aleppo42 goblet. Those who were seated in the Court took it and showed it to him without bringing in the person that had brought it. * He that brought 41Abul-Ghauth al-Manjibi. (M.Q.) 42 halati * of Aleppo" may refer to the metal of which the goblet was made: in the modern language it means * tin-plate *. (V.M.) 221 11691-274 11691 Ala Ad Din Ata Malik Juvaini - - THE HISTORY OF [178] this/ said Qa*an, * has endured hardships in order to bring so fine a jewel to us from so great a distance. Let him be given two hundred kalisbf The bearer of the goblet was seated at the gate of the ordu wondering whether anyone had delivered his message to the august ear of the Emperor. Suddenly the chamberlains came out and told him the glad tidings of his having been honoured; and on the same day they gave him two hundred balisb. The same day also there was talk about Abyssinian servants, and Qa*an ordered his attendants to ask this man whether he was able to get servants for him. * That is just my business,* said the man, and Qa'an ordered them to give him another two hundred lalbb for his travelling expenses, and also gave him letters-patent. The man never came back again and no one knew his home or origin. I gwe away my wealth, then I wish for a sister to it that I my drink a second time and support it with another draught. [xxxiv] It has never been heard that anyone left his presence disappointed except a person from Malin in Bakharz,43 who spread the tale far and wide that he had found a treasure but would tell nobody where it was until his eyes had been brightened with the beauty of Qa'an. And he would repeat these words to every envoy proceeding in that direction. When his words reached the august ear of Qa'an, he ordered him to be given a mount. When the man came into his presence and entered the ordu, they discussed his statement, and he said: * I had to have some means of beholding the august countenance of Qa'an. I know of no treasure/ Since these words had the appearance of impudence and everyone can imagine such actions, they displeased Qa'an and he showed signs of anger. However, he pretended not to understand and said: * You have seen my face 44 and now you must go back/ And he gave orders that 43 The district of Bakharz ky to the south of Jam, the present-day Turbat-i-Shaikh Jam. Malin appears to be identical with the modem Shahr-i-Nau. 44 Cf. Rashid-ad-Din tr. Khetagurov, 160: " The Mongols have a custom that when they have seen the king they say: ** We have seen the king's golden face."' (V.M.) 222 11691-275 11691 Ala Ad Din Ata Malik Juvaini - - THE WORLD-CONQUEROR the man was to be handed over to the messengers and sent back safely to his home. And what are the clouds if they do not disperse from a town and if they are not ready to gather one day over a blameworthy person ? 4S [179] [xxxv] There was a person in Qara-Qoram to whose affairs weakness and poverty had found their way. He made a cup out of the horn of a mountain goat and sat upon the highway and waited. When he saw Qa'an's retinue in the distance he rose to his feet and held out the cup. Qa'an took it from him and gave him fifty lalisb. One of the scribes repeated the number of Mish and Qa'an said: * How long must I ask you not to deny my bounty and begrudge petitioners my property ? * And to spite the censorious he commanded the sum to be doubled and with those balish made that poor man rich. O king of the age and the time, who art lofty in greatness of state, Two foes that never meet together in one place amongst men are thy face and poverty.** [xxxvi] A Moslem had borrowed four ImHsb of silver fiom an Uighur emir47 and was unable to pay the money back. He therefore seized him and took him to task saying that he must forsake the faith of Mohammed (upon whom be peace!) and embrace the creed of idolatry, or else he should be disgraced in the middle of the market-place and receive a hundred blows of the bastinado. The Moslem, bewildered by their48 threats, asked for three days' grace and went to Qa'an's audience-hall, where he held up a sign on the end of a stick. Qa*an ordered him to be brought forward. When he learnt of the poor man's position he ordered his creditors to be sent for, and they were prosecuted for the charge they had laid on the Moslem. As for the Moslem he was given a Uighur wife and house. And Qa*an commanded that the Uighur should receive a hundred blows of the 45 Abu-Dufafa d-Misri. (M.Q.) 46Abul-Wa6 ad-Damiyati. (M.Q.) 47 Reading amiri with Rashid-ad-Din ed. Blochet (75) for the umara-yi of the text 48 Le. the Uighurs'. 223 11691-276 11691 Ala Ad Din Ata Malik Juvaini - - THE HISTORY OF ' ' bastinado in the middle of the market-place and that the Moslem should be given a hundred hlisb. Wben w^yfams alight upon th season, their having drunk a frst draught does not prevent them from drinking a second. [xxxvii] There was a certain sayyid from Chargh near Bokhara who was called [180] the eAlid of Chargh. He had received some talisb from Qa*an for a commercial enterprise. When the time came to make a payment he said that he had already handed over the interest, The scribes asked for a statement in writing, a receipt and witnesses. He said that he had given the money to Qa*an in person. They brought him into the audience-hall. c When did this happen ? * asked Qa'an, * and in whose presence ? for I know thee not.* * Thou wast alone that day,* said the man, * and no one was present but myself/ Qa'an reflected a while and then said: *His impudence is manifest and his mendacity and falseness evident; but if I call him to account for these words, those who hear will say, " The World-Emperor has gone back on his word." Let him be, but do not purchase from him what he has brought to sell to our treasury/ A number of merchants had come that day. They took the wares of each of them and Qa'an gave them all a greater sum than the actual price. Suddenly, he inquired again about the sayyitl, saying, * Where is he ? * They brought him in and Qa'an said: * Is thy heart sore because we commanded them not to take thy goods ? * He at once began to lament and weep. Qa'an then asked, * What is the price of thy goods ? * * Thirty htisb,' replied the sayyil, * and with that I shall be satisfied/ He gave him a hundred Idisb. [xxxviii] A kinswoman of his came in and gazed upon his wives and concubines and examined their clothes and pearls and jewel-studded ornaments. The Minister Yalavach was present and Qa'an ordered him to bring in the pearls that were held in readiness. Twelve trays of pearls were then produced which he had purchased for eighty thousand dinars. He ordered them to be poured into her sleeves and the hem of her 224 11691-277 11691 Ala Ad Din Ata Malik Juvaini - - THE WORLD-CONQUEROR skit. And he said: * Now that thou art sated with pearls how many glances wilt thou cast on others ? * The son of Amok trod pathways In "kindness such that, bad Hatm passed along them, be would bane lost bis way. And be was lofty m bis resolve wbtcb ahtsei the hods of Sfmak and tbe born of the twenty-fourth lunar numsm.49 [181] [xxxix] Someone brought him a pomegranate as a present. He commanded the seeds to be counted and each of those present to receive his share. And afterwards he gave the man a talisb for every seed. On this account tbe crowding of people at bis gate mas like tbe crowding of seeds in a pomegranate.*0 [xl] An Arabic-speaking apostate came to him and said: * In the night I saw Chingiz-Khan in a dream and he said: " Tell my son to slay the Moslems, for they are evil/* * After reflecting a while Qa'an asked whether he had spoken to him through an interpreter or in his own person. * With his own tongue/ said the man. * Dost thou know the Mongol and Turkish languages ? * asked Qa'an. * No/ said the man. c Neither am I in any doubt/ said Qa'an, * but that Chingiz-Khan knew no language save Mongolian. It is clear therefore that what thou sayest is nothing but lies/ And he ordered the man to be put to death.51 [xli] A Moslem from the Tangut region, from a place called Qara-Tash,52 brought him a wagon-load of victuals in the hope 49 From a qasida by Abu-Salih b. Ahmad of Nishapur in praise of Abu-Sa'd b. Armak. (M.Q.) 50 From a qasida by al-Ghazzi, one bah of which has already been quoted above, I, 163 [i, 206]. (M.Q.) 51 In Juzjani's version of this anecdote (Raverty, 1110-14) the denouncer of the Moslems is a toytn or Buddhist priest who knew Turkish but not Mongol. For a theory that Chingiz-Khan may have had some knowledge of Chinese, see Waley, Tbe Travels of an Alcbemist, 159. 52 Hamdallah tr. le Strange, 250, mentions Eriqaya (spelt Yaraqiya, the Egrigaia of Marco Polo, i.e. Ning-hsia in Kan-su) and Qara-Tash as * the best known towns' in the Tangut country, both being * cities of a certain size, with numerous buildings'. 225 11691-278 11691 Ala Ad Din Ata Malik Juvaini - - THE HISTORY OF that he would receive permission to return [182] to his own country. Qa*an gave him a wagon-load ofbalisb and set him free. The water in the sea is a tale of his nature ; the clouds in the month of Bahman are a tradition of his generosity. [xlii] A man came one day in the expectation of a feast. Seeing that the guards were drunk he entered the sleeping chamber, stole a goblet and went his way. The next day they looked for the goblet and could not find it. Qa'an caused a proclamation to be made that whoever brought the goblet back would not only be pardoned but any boon that he craved would be granted. The next day the thief brought the goblet back. c Why didst thou commit this act ? ' asked Qa'an. c In order/ said the man, * that it might be a warning to the World-Emperor not to trust his guards (whom they call turgaq)?* Otherwise there were more goods than that in the treasury if I had gone there for the purpose .of stealing.* Some of the emirs said that an example should be made of him so that no one else might commit such an action. * I have pardoned him,* said Qa'an. * How then can I proceed against him a second time ? It would be a pity for such a spirited fellow to be killed, otherwise I would command his breast to be cut open to see what sort of heart and liver he had considering they did not burst under such circumstances/ And Qa'an gave him five hundred lalisb with many horses and garments, and made him the commander of several thousand soldiers, and sent him to Khitai. [xlilij When the crops were growing so much hail fell as to destroy them all. And at the time of this disaster there was such a scarcity of corn in Qara-Qorum that a single maund could not be obtained for a dinar. Qa'an ordered the heralds to proclaim that whoever had sown corn should not give way to anxiety, for his crop had suffered no harm. If they watered their fields again, and tilled them, and there was no harvest, they would 53 The tutqui was the day-guard in contrast to the falte'til or night-guard. See Minorsky, A Cml 11691-279 11691 Ala Ad Din Ata Malik Juvaini - - THE WORLD-CONQUEROR receive the full equivalent from his treasury and granaries. It so happened that so much corn was reaped that year that there had never been such a crop and harvest since they had first begun to rill the ground. [183] [xliv] Three persons were brought to him for a crime they had committed. He ordered them to be put to death. When he left his audience-hall he came upon a woman scattering dust and crying out aloud. * Why art thou doing this ? * he asked. * Because,9 she replied, * of those men whom thou hast ordered to be put to death, for one of them is my husband, another my son and the third my brother/ * Choose one of them/ said Qa'an,c and for thy sake he shall be spared/ c I can find a substitute for my husband/ replied the woman, * and children too I can hope for; but for a brother there can be no substitute/ He spared the lives of all three.54 [xlv] He was fond of watching wrestling and at first had a number of Mongols, Qifchaqs and Khitayans in his service. When Khorasan was subjugated he was told about the wrestlers of Khorasan and Iraq, and he sent a messenger to Chormaghun and ordered him to send one of these wrestlers. There was a man from Hamadan called Pahlavan Fila, and it was he that they sent. When he came to Qa'an the latter was well pleased with his shape and appearance, the stoutness of his body and the symmetry of his limbs; and he ordered him to wrestle with certain other wrestlers who were present. He beat them all, and none could throw him on his back. Besides other presents Qa'an gave him five hundred Mish; and after a while he bestowed on him a beauteous, graceful and sweet-voiced maiden. It being the custom of wrestlers to abstain from sexual intercourse in order to conserve their strength, he did not lay hands on her but rather avoided her company. One day the girl went to the wfa and Qa'an said to her: ' How hast thou found this Tazik ? Hast thou received thy full share of the joys of love ? * For it 54 This story is rekted word for word in the Marzubm-Nma of Sa'd-ad-Din Varavini written nearly 50 years before the Tarikb-i-Jahan-Guski. It is there told with reference to the tyrant DahaL See rny edition of the Mtrzulw-Nma, 16-17. (M.Q.) s 227 11691-280 11691 Ala Ad Din Ata Malik Juvaini - - THE HISTORY OF is a standing joke with the Mongols to credit the Taziks with extraordinary sexual powers. As the poet says: [184] Vat titi, 0 m j^my nonne te pudct lefaoran me inter sodales, Indmliter txs&rc e sinu it pannum tolkre de capite ? 5S * I have had no taste thereof/ said the girl, * and we live apart/ Qa*an sent for Fila and questioned him about this state of affairs. * I have become famous in the Emperor's service/ said the wrestler, * and no one has vanquished me. If I enter the arena, my strength must not wane nor my rank be reduced in the Emperor's service.' * My intention was/ said Qa*an, * for you to beget children between you. From now on I exempt thee from the strife and contention of wrestling/ Fila had a kinsman called Muhammad-Shah. A messenger was sent after him and he was ordered to bring several of the practitioners of that art. When they arrived Muhammad-Shah entered the field of contest with several wrestlers and beat them all. * Wilt thou wresde with Fila ? * asked Qa*an. Muhammad-Shah at once knelt down and answered, * Yes/ * You are kinsmen/ said Qa*an, * and there is brotherhood between you. Do not wrestle with one another like enemies/ And when some five days had passed, during which time he continued to view him with the eye of favour, he gave him some falkb. At that moment seven hundred htlisb came in from somewhere, and he gave him these also. Rscbes know of a surety, when they alight in thy kinds, that they are not In a lasting And that which he bestowed upon them in pay, etc., in the way of clothes, furs and Jxttisb, was like running water, which might in no wise be cut off. And it would often happen that he would command them both to take as many as they could carry of the garments which had been thrown down in a heap in front of the 0rfa. [185] [xlvi] One of my friends of pleasing speech told me the following story; 55Abus-Simt ofRa^'AIn. (M.Q.) 56 Abul-Hasan 'Ali b. Muhammad of Tihama. (M.Q.) 228 11691-281 11691 Ala Ad Din Ata Malik Juvaini - - THE WORLD-CONQUEROR During the reign of Sultan * Ala-ad-Din Kai-Qubad5? I was in Rum, and amongst my intimates was a person in embarrassed circumstances who earned his bread by buffoonery. Now at that time the tale of the bounty of the Emperor of the World and the Hatim of the Age was on all men's tongues, and it was said that in the East there sat a king of the Mongol race to whom earth and gold were one and the same thing. By the measure of his lofty resolve the cash of the seven planets was of low standard. It occurred to the buffoon to travel thither, but he had neither mount nor travelling provisions. His friends all contributed together and bought him a donkey, on which he set forth. Three years later I was walking in the market place when I saw a gentleman with a mounted retinue and horses, mules, camels and Khitayan slaves upon his right and left. When he caught sight of me he at once dismounted from his horse, greeted me warmly and evinced great pleasure at seeing me again, He insisted upon carrying me off to his house, where, as is the manner of the courteous and the liberal, he showed me every attention, placing food and drink before me and dishes of gold and silver; while ranged in order around us stood singing-girls, minstrels and cup-bearers. In this manner he insisted on keeping me with him all that day, and the second and third days likewise; and I did not recognize him until he said, * I am such-and-such a person, whose entire property was one donkey.* I asked what had befallen him, saying, 'a I saw thee foolish: since when art thou become wise ?"' * When I left Rum,* he said, * I went a-begging on that same donkey to the Emperor of the Face of the Earth. I had taken with me some dried fruit, and I sat down upon a hilltop in a place by which he would pass. His auspicious glance fell upon me from afar, and he sent someone to inquire into my circumstances. I described the feebleness of my state, telling how I had come from Rum on account of the fame of the Emperors bounty and liberality and had set my 57 The Seljucf ruler of Rim or Asia Minor, 'Ala-ad-Dih Kai-Qubld X (1219-36). 11691-282 11691 Ala Ad Din Ata Malik Juvaini - - THE HISTORY OF iace to the road with a hundred thousand privations in order that the glance of the Emperor, who was the Lord of the Conjunction, [186] might fall upon my wretched self and my condition might be reversed and my horoscope rendered auspicious. My father—may his soul be filled with light because of me !— gave me a wise and famous piece of advice: Hee from the unfortunate like an arrow and take up thy abode in the street of the fortunate* They held the tray of fruit before him and told him what I had said. He took two or three of the fruits and dropped them in a sitlvq.** Perceiving that his attendants inwardly objected to his action, he turned towards them and said: " This man has come hither from a distant land. He has passed through many sacred shrines and holy places and has attended on many great ones. To seek a blessing from the breathings of such a person is a profitable action. I therefore dropped the fruit in the stdu^ so that I could eat it at any time as dessert with my children and you might share the remainder among yourselves/' With that he urged his horse on, and when he reached the ordu, he took the fruit out of the suluq, counted it carefully over and turning to Danishmand Hajib asked him where I was lodging. Danishmand said that he did not know, and the Emperor upbraided him roundly, saying, " What sort of Moslem art thou ? A poor man comes to us from a great distance and thou art negligent of his eating and drinking, his waking and sleeping. Go this moment in person, seek him out and allot him an honourable place in thy own house. But in any case seek him out." I had taken up lodgings near the market place. People came running from right and left inquiring after me and finally one of them found me and bore me off to Danishmand's house. The next day, when Qa'an had taken his seat, he saw a wagon-load of Palish being brought in to the treasury from the conquest of a town in Manzi. The number ofbalkh was seven hundred. Qa'an said to Danishmand Hajib: " Call that person/' When I appeared he gave them to me and encouraged 58 A Turkish word meaning * vessel for holding water *. 230 11691-283 11691 Ala Ad Din Ata Malik Juvaini - - THE WORLD-CONQUEROR me with other promises. And so I received all those and my affairs from the straits of poverty entered the broad plain of prosperity.' And when there came to him as a suppliant th Urd of sheep and cameb, Tbou samst tfm m bis courtyail the lord wd [xlvii] A Mongol called Minquli Boke 60 had a flock of sheep. One night when a cold wind was blowing a wolf feU upon his flock and destroyed the greater part of it. The next day the Mongol came to Court and told of the flock and the wolf saying that a thousand head of his sheep had been lost. Qa'an asked where the wolf had gone. It so happened that a troupe of Moslem wrestlers brought in a live wolf with its jaws bound. c I will buy that wolf from you for a thousand falisb, said Qa'an* And to the owner of the sheep he said : * Thou wilt derive no advantage or benefit from the killing of this animal/ And he ordered his officers to give the man a thousand head of sheep and said : * We will release this wolf so that he can inform his friends of what has happened and they may leave this region/ When they released the wolf the lion-like hounds of the dog-keepers ran after it and tore it to pieces. Qa*an was angry and ordered the dogs to be put to death for killing the wolf. He entered the ordu in a pensive and melancholic state of mind and turning to his ministers and courtiers he said : * I set that wolf free because I felt a weakness in my bowels and I thought that if I saved a living creature from destruction God Almighty would grant that I too should be spared. Since the wolf did 59 From a gasfcla by Abu-Bakr of Khorazm in praise of Abu-'Ali b. Simjur. (M.Q.) Khawarnaq and Sadir were the names of two palaces said to have been built for the Sassanian monarch Bahram Gur (Fitzgerald's 'Bahram, that great Hunter *) by the Arab king of Hira, Nu'man b. Mundhir. 60 Reading MYNQWLY BWKA for the SNQWLY BWKA of the text. The corresponding passage in Rashid-ad-Din (Blochet, 83) has MYNFWLY BWKH. Minquli appears to be Turkish— Ming-Quli, from mng 'thousand* and gid 'slave'. Boke, which is Mongol and stands in apposition, means *the Wrestler*. C£ the name of Mongke's youngest full brother, Angh Boke, Arlgh the Wrestler. 231 11691-284 11691 Ala Ad Din Ata Malik Juvaini - - THE HISTORY OF not escape from the dogs, neither perhaps shall I come forth from this danger.* A few days later he passed away. Now it is not concealed from the wise and discriminating that kings are snatched up and carried off by God and that they receive divine inspiration. And that story is like the one that is told in the ... When Ma'mun sent Tahir b. al-Husain and eAli b. *Isa b. Mahan to Baghdad to make war on his brother Muhammad Amin/1 [188] at the same time Muhammad Amin was saying to Hammad Rawiya, who was one of his courtiers: * To-day we shall walk abroad and drink and be merry.* They fetched a boat and embarked in it. Now Amin had a slave girl called Qabiha, who had a yellow tooth, and the perfection of her beauty depended upon that tooth. He took her with him on to the boat And he had a goblet made of fiery red rubies and fashioned in the shape of a vessel, and in his eyes it was worth all the fair things of this world and all the contents of his treasury. When the company had become heated with wine and all had grown merry, Qabiha stood up for some purpose and, her foot catching in her skirt, she fell upon the goblet and broke it; and her teeth striking the boat, the yellow tooth, which was the apple of Muhammad's eye, was likewise broken. Muhammad Amin turned to Hammad and said, * It is all over with us/ Hammad, as is the wont of courtiers, uttered a deprecatory prayer and said, * Far be it from thee !' And they began to argue about it. Suddenly a voice from above cried out, " The matter if decreed concerning which ye inquire"'62 * Didst thou hear ? * said Muhammad Amin to Hammad; but he turned a deaf ear. Again Amin heard those words, uttered in a loud and terrible voice, and he said to Hammad,c There is no longer any doubt. Arise and see to thy own affairs, for We shall not meet again till Judgement Day.* 61 The Caliphs Amin (809-13) and Ma'mun (813-33) were sons of the famous Harun ar-Rashid (786-809). In the civil war between the brothers 'All b. *Isa b. Mahan, as is pointed out by M.Q*, was actually the commander of Amin's forces: he engaged the forces of Ma'mun under Tahir b. al-Husain at Ray and was slain in battle. 62 Koran, xii, 41. 11691-285 11691 Ala Ad Din Ata Malik Juvaini - - THE WORLD-CONQUEROR [xiviii] An old man from the neighbourhood of Baghdad came and sat down In the roadway. When the Emperor passed by he saw the old man standing in his way, and he had him summoned before him. * Why art thou standing In the road ? * asked Qa'an. * I am old and poor,* replied the other, * and I have ten daughters, and because of my poverty I cannot find husbands for them/ * Thou art from Baghdad,* said Qa'an, * Why does not the Caliph give thee something and help thee to find husbands for thy daughters ? * [189] * Whenever I ask the Caliph for alms,' said the old man, * he gives me ten dinars In gold, and I need that amount for my own expenses.9 Qa'an gave orders for him to be given a thousand ttalish of silver. His courtiers suggested that a draft should be made on the land of Khitai, but Qa'an ordered him to be paid in cash from the treasury. When they brought the Palish from the treasury and set them before the old man, he said: c How shall I carry all these balisb from hence ? I am old and feeble and can Hfi up only one taH$bf or two at most/ Qa'an ordered his officers to give him mounts and bags and the means to take the twlisb with him. But the old man said: * I cannot reach my own country safely with so many lalisb, and if anything happens to me on the way my daughters will be deprived of the Emperor's bounty/ Qa'an then ordered that two Mongols should go along to guard him and the money until they reached friendly (il) country and should bring him and the balkh safely through. The Mongols departed with him but he died upon the way. They informed the Emperor, who asked: * Did he not indicate his house and say where his daughters lived ? * They replied that he had done so. * Then take those talkb to Baghdad/ said Qa'an, * enter his house and give them to his daughters. And say," The Emperor has sent these balisb as alms so that husbands may be found for those daughters/" [xlix] The daughter of one of his courtiers was being sent to her husband and a casket of pearls carried by eight persons had been brought for her dowry. When the casket was borne before Qa'an he was engaged in carousing. He ordered the lid to be taken off the casket and distributed all the pearls, the value of 11691-286 11691 Ala Ad Din Ata Malik Juvaini - - THE HISTORY OF which varied between one dinar and two sixths of a dinar, among those present. It was represented to him that he had bestowed that casket upon such-and-such a maiden as her dowry. * Tomorrow,* he said, * you shall give her that other casket which is the fellow of this one/ [i] The ato&eg of Shiraz,63 sent his brother Tahamtan to Qa*an and among [190] the presents he brought were two carboys filled with pearls, which are held in high esteem amongst them in accordance with the saying, 'Every party rgoicetk in wlwt it bath.' When this was represented to Qa'an and he learnt that these gems were of value in the eyes of him that brought them, he ordered his attendants to bring in a long casket filled with royal pearls. The envoy and all present were dumbstruck at the sight. Qa'an gave orders for the cup that was being passed round in that banquet to be filled with these pearls; and they were thus all distributed among those present. When thou bringest a drop of water to the deep sea, this judgement resembles madness. We have described something of that which the Necessarily Existent caused to be present in his nature in the way of clemency, forgiveness, justice, generosity and the teachings of the religion of God; and this we have done that it may be known that in every age there is a Lord of the Conjunction, such as in former times were Hatim and Noshirvan and others, and their fame will shine forth like the fountain of the sun until the end of time, and tales and traditions will be told and recorded of them. ' And in every age there is a Sodom and a *Jandab! u And had we treated this subject exhaustively it would have led to prolixity ; we have therefore limited ourselves to this brief summary. And we shall tell one story of his violence, fury, severity and awesomeness, so that it may be known not only how his kindness and bounty would flow but how his vengeance and rigour would chasten. 63 This was Abu-Bakr (1226-60), the patron of the poet Sa'di. 64|NDB. This word defeated M.Q. The whole phrase is clearly some kind of proverbial saying. 234 11691-287 11691 Ala Ad Din Ata Malik Juvaini - - THE WORLD-CONQUEROR He bad a day of hardship on which there mere for mankind, and a lay of ease on which wen i>k$$!ngs for mankind. On the day of generosity there rained dew from Ms hands, and on the day of seventy there rained Hood from Us Among the tribe of . . .,66 who was the commander of a thousand, a rumour sprang up that [191] it had been decreed that the daughters of that tribe should be affianced to certain persons. Being frightened by this news they affianced most of their daughters to husbands within the tribe and some they actually delivered up to them. Tidings hereof spread from mouth to mouth and reached the ear of the Emperor. He appointed a group of emirs to go thither and investigate the matter. When the truth of the report had been established, he gave orders that all the girls over seven years old should be gathered together and that all who had been given that year to husbands taken back from them. Four thousand starlike maidens, each of whom affected men's hearts in a different way, were thus assembled. When her beauty removes the veil from its face, the moon of ' O for shame ! ' is overcast. And first he ordered those who were daughters of emirs to be separated from the rest; and all who were present were commanded to have intercourse with them. And two moonlike damsels from amongst them expired. As for the remaining chaste ones, he had them drawn up in rows in front of the win, and such as were worthy thereof were dispatched to the harem, while some were given to the keepers of cheetahs and wild beasts and others to the various attendants at the Court, and others again were sent to the brothel and the hostel of the envoys to wait upon travellers. As for those that still remained it was decreed that all present, whether Mongols or Moslems, might 65 Husain al-Mutayyar al-Asadi. (M.Q.) 66 There is a blank in A and B. D has ' the Oirat *, which does not make sense in the context, though according to Rashid-ad-Din*s version of the anecdote (Blochet, 84) the tribe in question were in fact the Oirat. 235 11691-288 11691 Ala Ad Din Ata Malik Juvaini - - THE HISTORY OF carry them off! And their fathers, brothers, relatives, kinsmen and husbands looked on and were unable to breathe or move their tongues. And this is an absolute proof of his rigid enforcement of his orders, and of the obedience of his army. [XXXIII] OF THE HOUSES AND DWELLING-PLACES OF QA AN AFTER the Hatim of the Age and the Ruler of the World had been established on the throne of kingship and, his mind set at rest regarding the campaign against Khitai, had proceeded in triumph to the great ordu of his father, [192] he bestowed his own place of residence, which was in the region of the Emil, upon his son Giiyiik, choosing for his [new] residence and the capital of the kingdom a place in the region of the river Orqon and the Qara-Qorum mountains. There had previously been no town or village in that place except for the remains of a wall called Ordu-BaHgh. At the time of his accession a stone was found outside the ruins of the fortress on which there was an inscription stating that the founder of that place was Buqu Khan. (This matter has been described in detail in the chapter on the land of the Uighur.1) The Mongols named it Ma'u-BaKgh,2 and Qa'an caused a town to be built on it, which they called Ordu-Baligh, though it is better known as Qara-Qorum. Hither artisans of every kind were brought from Khitai, and likewise craftsmen from the lands of Islam; and they began to till the ground. And because of Qa'an's great bounty and munificence people turned their faces thitherward from every side, and in a short space of time it became a city. Above the town a garden was built for Qa'an with four gates, one for the passage of the World-Ruling Emperor, another for his children and kinsmen, another again for the princesses, and a fourth for the entrance and egress of the populace. And in 1 See above, Chapter VII. 2 I.e. * Bad Towa', the name given by the Mongols to Bamiyan, See above, p. 133. 236 11691-289 11691 Ala Ad Din Ata Malik Juvaini - - THE WORLD-CONQUEROR the midst of that garden Khitayan artisans reared up a castle with doors like the gates of the garden; and inside it a throne having three flights of steps, one for Qa*an alone, another for his ladies and a third for the cupbearers and table-deckers; and on the right and left houses for his brothers and sons and the turqaq, [the walls of these houses bong] painted with pictures. And in the quarters of the cupbearers they placed vats which could not be moved because of their weight and other utensils in like proportion, besides [193] elephants, camels, horses and their attendants in appropriate numbers, so that when a public feast was held they might lift up the various beverages. And all the utensils were of gold and silver and studded with jewels. Twice in the year would Qa'an alight in this pleasant abode. Whenever the sun entered the sign of Aries, and the world was glad, and the face of the earth, because of the weeping of the clouds, smiled and shone forth through the mouths of the flowers, he would feast for a month in this residence Venus-like in the manner of the sun; and as the bounty of the rain reaches both herbs and trees, so both great and small took part in the feasting, and Poverty took flight from that assembly. The slowness of the rain in reaching then M not hurt the peopk of the frontier seeing that among them was YMSI/ the son of Muhammad. And when the beauty of spring had reached its culmination and the herbs had grown to their full height, he would betake himself to another pleasance which had been raised up by Moslem engineers to despite the Khitayans and was called Qarshi-Suri. It was a very tall castle filled with all kinds of many-coloured, jewel-studded embroideries and carpets. In the entrance was placed a throne full worthy of the place, and in the banqueting-hall were jasper vases, and ewers studded with pearls, and other utensils in keeping with them. Here he would feast for forty days. And in front of the castle there were pools of water (which they call kil),* wherein many water fowls used to gather. And he would watch the hunting of these birds and afterwards 3 k&l is the normal Turkish word for ' lake'. 11691-290 11691 Ala Ad Din Ata Malik Juvaini - - THE HISTORY OF would give himself up to the joys of drinking and spread the carpet of bounty, which was never rolled up. And every day [194] without cease he dispensed his bounty to all and sundry as long as he abode in that place ; and as for conviviality and constant application to pleasure it was as though he had hearkened with the ear of acceptance to the advice of Quhistani :4 this world, for its seasons are transitory, mi the life of a ywng man (my tbou have the joy thereof! ) ksteih at most for a moment And hasten to take an aiundant share of pleasure, for a share that has passed will not return nor can it he confined. And spend the time of good fellowship in good fellowship, and fa awafa to thy pleasure, for there is no pleasure to him that skepeth, And do not preoccupy thyself to-day with the cares of to-morrow, te Ud adieu to the tale of to-morrow, for to concern thyself therewith is folly. The spirit is Ifke a lamp, and wine is its oil, so he off with tbee—tbis is advice to he accepted. I shatt tell tbee of myself and what I have experienced, not traditions handed down from Anas through And when the life of spring had reached its maturity and the day thereof its decline, he would return to his summer residence. And since the garden and palace in the town lay upon his way, he would reside there for several days in his wonted manner carrying out the commandments of God (amr-i-ma*ruf) and would thence move on towards his destination. And when he left there he would go to a small palace which he had built on a hilltop three miles from the town, through which he also passed in returning from his winter residence. On both occasions he would amuse himself for four or five weeks in this spot, and offerings of food would be brought out to him from the town. And from thence in the summer he would go into the mountains, where there would be erected for him a Khitayan pavilion, whose walls were made of latticed wood, while its ceiling was 4 I.e. Abu-Bakr 'AH b. al-Hasan al-Quhistani of Ghazna, a contemporary of Sultan Mahmud, (M.Q.) 5 Anas b. Malik was a Companion of the Prophet and one of the most prolific of the traditionists. Qatada, who died in 117/735-6, was another traditibnist 238 11691-291 11691 Ala Ad Din Ata Malik Juvaini - - THE WORLD-CONQUEROR of gold-embroidered cloth, and it was coveted all over with white felt: this place is called Shira-Ordu.6 In these parts there are cool waters and much grass. Here he would remain until the sun entered Virgo and there was a fall of snow. And here [195] his bounty would flow more freely than in his other pleasances. And departing from hence he would arrive at his winter residence by the end of autumn, which is the beginning of their winter. There he would make merry for three months, and during these months his generosity and munificence were under some restraint and did not flow so freely. There too were fulfilled these verses of double meaning: Between MS &n$ the rose }m fassei a bng-Jastmg coU as though gwl omens had been MStkn m ill The spring and its beauty bave hen vtikd wtb mw just as peacock chicks are concealed in wUte eggs.*1 And praise be to God Almighty, these dwelling-places are to-day adorned by the blessed footsteps of that mighty king and glorious emperor, the Nushirvan of the Age, Mengii Qa*an, from the shadow of whose statesmanship and justice the world is made resplendent and every place in every cHme turned into a rose-garden. May God Almighty grant him endless years of life, his justice ever increasing and his word ever obeyed, and strengthen through him the hand of the True Faith ! [XXXIV] OF ^TOREGENEl KHATUN WHEN the decree of God Almighty had been executed and the Monarch of the World, the Hatim of the Age, Qa'an, had « Reading SYRH ARDW with E. The text has SYR ARDW and Rashid-ad-Din (Blochet, 49) SRH ARDW, i.e. apparently Sira-Ordu. It is the Sira-Orda of Carpini and the Syra-Orda of Benedict the Pole, who has left a detailed description of it. See Rockhill, 38. 7Abu-Mansur Qasim b. Ibrahim al-Qa*ini, whose kqab was Buzurjmihr. He was a poet at the court of Sultan Mahmud. (M.Q.) iTWRAKYNA. The Doregene of the Secret History. According to Rashid-ad~Din (Blochet, 3) she belonged to the Uhaz-Merkit and had or had 219 11691-292 11691 Ala Ad Din Ata Malik Juvaini - - THE HISTORY OF passed away, Giiyiik, his eldest son, had not returned2 from the campaign against the Qifchaq, and therefore in accordance with precedent the dispatch of orders and the assembling of the people took place at the door of the ordu or palace of his wife, Moge Khatun, who, in accordance with the Mongol custom, had come to him from his father, Chingiz-Khan. But since Toregene Khatun was the mother of his eldest sons [196] and was moreover shrewder and more sagacious than Moge Khatun, she sent messages to the princes, i.e. the brothers and nephews of Qa'an, and told them of what had happened and of the death of Qa*an, and said that until a Khan was appointed by agreement someone would have to be ruler and leader in order that the business of the state might not be neglected nor the affairs of the commonweal thrown into confusion; in order, too, that the army and the court might be kept under control and the interests of the people protected* Chaghatai and the other princes sent representatives to say that Toregene Khatun was the mother of the princes who had a right to the Khanate; therefore, until a quriltai was held, it was she that should direct the affairs of the state, and the old ministers should remain in the service of the Court, so that the old and new yasas might not be changed from what was the law. Now Toregene Khatun was a very shrewd and capable woman, and her position was greatly strengthened by this unity and concord. And when Moge Khatun shortly followed in the wake of Qa'an, by means of finesse and cunning she obtained control of all affairs of state and won over the hearts of her relatives by all kind of favours and kindnesses and by the sending of gifts and presents. And for the most part strangers and not been the wife of Dayk-t)$iin, the ruler of that tribe. In the chapter on the Merkit (Khetagurov, 110") she is also stated to have been the wife of Dayir-tJsiin. On the other hand, according to the Secret History, § 198, her first husband had been Qodu, the eldest son of Toqto'a, the ruler of the Uduyit-Merkit. According to the Yum sbib (quoted by Pelliot, Les Mongols et k Papmtl, [193]) she was not a Merkit but a Naiman. 2 Reading mzul w-karda with E for the nuzul karda of the text. The corresponding passage in Rashid-ad-Din (Blochet, 232) has furu 240 11691-293 11691 Ala Ad Din Ata Malik Juvaini - - THE WORLD-CONQUEROR kindred, family and army inclined towards her, and submitted themselves obediently and gladly to her commands and prohibitions, and came tinder her sway. Tfc Prophet of God (m$y G04 bless him and give Urn peace !) hatb said : * Hearts wire formed to lone them that use them mil and to bate them that use them ill! And all manner of men bent their steps towards her ; while Cfainqai 3 and the other ministers of Qa*an continued to perform their duties as before, and the governors on every side remained at their posts. Now during the lifetime of Qa'an there had accumulated in her breast a feeling of hatred towards certain of the courtiers, and the wound had grown deep. When she was entrusted with affairs of state, and her position had grown strong, and none dared quarrel or dispute with her, she determined to act at once, and without losing time [197] or missing an opportunity, in accordance with the hemistich : Make baste, for time Is a trenchant to seek relief from her pain by avenging herself on each of these persons. She accordingly sent messengers to Khitai to fetch the Minister Yalavach and also tried to lay hands on the Emir Chinqai. Chinqai, however, with the discernment of understanding perceived that she had something else in mind ; and before her plan could be realized he set his face to the road and went his own way. And hastening to Koten,5 her son, he sought his protection and so saved his life by running away. As for Yalavach, when the messengers reached him, he welcomed them with marks of respect and honour. And every day he showed them fresh attentions and civilities so that in this way two or three days passed by. And all this time he was secretly preparing the means of flight by getting together horses etc. At last on the third night, which in fact was the day of his fortune, 3 Reading CYNQAY for the JYNQAY of the text. He Is Otrpbfs 'Chingay the prothonotary '. For an account of his career and his origins see Waley, Travels of an Alchemist, 34-8. 4 From a qasida by Abu-Ishaq al-Ghazzi. (M.Q.) 6KWTAN. He is called K'ao-tuan, i.e. Kodon, in the Ynan sMk See Hambis, Le cbatftre CVTl, 71. 241 11691-294 11691 Ala Ad Din Ata Malik Juvaini - - THE HISTORY OF he put the messengers to sleep @ and departed to Koten together with a few horsemen, and so escaped from their hands. Ami I retttmd to Fabm though I hd not expected to return-mi tow of tin bwt I escaped from the Me of them, while Aq wMstkd [impotently] I 7 And when both notables reached Koten, and sought refuge with him, and made his threshold their asylum, they were embraced with his favour. Toregene Khatun sent a messenger to demand their return, and Koten replied: * The kite that takes refuge in a thicket from the talons of the falcon is safe from its fury.8 These too have sought sanctuary with us and touched the skirt of our authority. To send them back is forbidden by the code of magnanimity and humanity and is remote from the practice of generosity and liberality: I should find excuse with neither far nor near, [198] neither Turk nor TaziL A quriltai is shortly to be held: let their crimes and offences be brought to the attention of the family and the emirs, and let them receive whatever punishment they deserve.* She sent messengers several times again, and Koten excused himself in the same manner. When she realized that their return was impossible and that he would in no wise send them back, she endeavoured to persuade the Emir 'Imad-al-Mulk Muhammad of Khotan, who had been one of the ministers of Qa*an, to turn to account the intimate terms on which he had been with them in former times by making a statement regarding them and fabricating some falsehood so that by that pretext she might cast a stumbling-block in their path and on that excuse they might be punished at the great quriltai. But since loyalty and generosity, which are amongst the most essential and the most beaudful of the characteristics of 6 By making diem drunk. The story is told in greater detail in Rashid-ad-Din (Blochet, 233-4). 7 Ta'abbata Sharran. (M.QO 8 Barthold, Turkestan, 41, n. 3, quotes this passage as an indication of JuvainTs use of Mongol sources, die same image being employed by the sons of Sorqan Shira in reproaching their father for his harsh words towards the fugitive Temiijin. See the Secret History, § 85: * If a tttwmtai [the name of a small bird of prey, perhaps the Merlin] causes a little bird to take refuge in a bush, the bush saves the little bird/ See Mostaert, Sm quelqmspassages de 1'Histolre secrete des Mongols, 313. 242 11691-295 11691 Ala Ad Din Ata Malik Juvaini - - THE WORLD-CONQUEROR the great and are as non-existent in this present age as the f or the philosophers* stone, had gained mastery of his being, he refused to consent to the shame and disgrace of slander and calumny and made his body the prisoner of free will until God Almighty, because of his pure faith, delivered him from that frightful gulf and the like thereof, and at the Court of Guyuk Khan he enjoyed even greater authority than in the previous reign. And when the Emir Mas'ud Beg observed this state of affairs he too thought it inadvisable to remain in his own territory and saw fit to hasten to the Court of Batu. And Qara Oghul10 and the wives of Chaghatai sent Qur-bagha11 Elchi together with the Emir [199] Arghun12 to seize Korguz.13 And at that time there was a woman called Fatima, who had acquired great influence in the service of Toregene Khatun and to whose counsel and capability were entrusted all affairs of state. She exalted *Abd«ar-Rahman and sent him to Khitai in place of Mahmud. An account of this woman will be given separately in a subsequent chapter.14 And when Emir Arghun brought Korgiiz to Toregeae Khatun she imprisoned him because of an ancient grudge and sent the Emir Arghun to Khorasan in his stead. And everyone sent ambassadors in every direction and broadcast drafts and assignments; and upon every side they attached themselves to parties and followed their instructions—all save 9 The name of a fabulous bird which appears in the Sbabwm as the foster-parent of Rustain's father ZaL 10 I.e. Prince Qara. On Qara or Qara-Hiilegu, the grandson and first successor of Chaghatai, see below, pp. 273-4. 11 Reading QWRBQA for the QWRBQAY of the text, which elsewhere has QRBQA (II, 230 and 239) and QWRBIA (II, 243). Rashid-ad-Din (Blochet, 57) has QWR BWQA, which would appear to be a compound name with faga 'bull* as the second element. I have however taken the QWRBQA or QWRBFA of Juvaini as standing for the Turkish 'frog'. 12 On Arghun see below, H, Chapters XXX and XXXL 13 On Korgiiz see below, II, Chapter XXVTIL 14 Chapter XXXV. T 243 11691-296 11691 Ala Ad Din Ata Malik Juvaini - - THE HISTORY OF Sorqotani Beki and her sons, who did not swerve one hair's breath from the yasa and law of their ordinances. As for Toregene Khatun she dispatched ambassadors to the East and the West of the world and to the North and Sooth thereof to summon the sultans and emirs, the grandees and governors, and to bid them to the quriltd, Meanwhile Giiyiik had not yet returned and his place seemed empty. In accordance with the saying, e He that is strong taketh, and the strength of the free man is in his abstinence', Otegin thought to seize the Khanate by force and violence. With this intention he set out for the ordtt of Qa'an. When he drew near, MengB Oghul,15 a grandson [of Chingiz-khan], approached him with his retinue and troops and made him repent of his design. He made use of the pretence that he was mourning some disaster and excused himself in this manner. In the meantime there came tidings of the arrival [zoo] of Giiyiik at his orfa, which lies on the bank of the Emil; whereupon his repentance increased. And when Giiyiik came to his mother, he took no part in affairs of state, and Toregene Khatun still executed the decrees of the Empire although the Khanate was settled upon her son. But when two or three months had passed and the son was somewhat estranged from his mother on account of Fatima, the decree of God the Mighty and Glorious was fulfilled and Toregene passed away. [XXXV] OF FATIMA KHATUN AT the time of the capture of the place in which there lies the Holy Shrinex of *Ali ar-Riza (upon whom he the most excellent of blessings and benedictions I), she was carried off into captivity. It so chanced that she came to Qara-Qorum, where she was a 15 Le. Prince Mengli (MNKLY). This is apparently Melik (see below, ii, 573, and n. 73), a son of Ogedei, who appears in the Yuan fbib both as Mie-li (Meli[k]) and Ming-li (*MingHpcj). See Hambis, op. dL, 72, n. 7. 1 Le. the. modern Meshed. 144 11691-297 11691 Ala Ad Din Ata Malik Juvaini - - THE WORLD-CONQUEROR procuress in the market; and in the arts of shrewdness and cunning the wily Delilah could have been her pupil. During the reign of Qa'an she had constant access to the orfa of Toregene Khatun; and when times changed and Chinqai withdrew from the scene, she enjoyed even greater favour, and ha influence became paramount; so that she became the sharer of intimate confidences and the depository of hidden secrets, and the ministers were debarred from executing business, and she was ftee to issue commands and prohibitions. And from every side the grandees sought her protection, especially the grandees of Khorasan. And there also came to her certain of the sayyils of the Holy Shrine, for she claimed to be of the race of the great sayjids. When Giiyiik succeeded to the Khanate, a certain native of Samarqand, who was said to be an €AHd,2 one Shira, the cupbearer of Qadaq,3 hinted that Fatima had bewitched Koten, [201] which was why he was so indisposed. When Koten returned, the malady from which he was suffering grew worse, and he sent a messenger to his brother Giiyiik to say that he had been attacked by that illness because of Fatiina's magic and that if anything happened to him Giiyiik should seek retribution from her. Following on this message there came tidings of Koten's death. Chinqai, who was now a person of authority, reminded Giiyiik of the message, and he sent an envoy to his mother to fetch Fatima. His mother refused to let her go saying that she would bring her herself. He sent again several times, and each time she refused him in a different way. As a result his relations with his mother became very bad, and he sent the man from Samarqand 4 with instructions to bring Fatima by force if his mother should still delay in sending her or find some reason for refusing. It being no longer possible to excuse herself she agreed to send Fatima; and shortly afterwards she passed away. Fatima was brought face to face with Giiyiik, and was kept naked, and in bonds, and hungry and thirsty for many days and nights; she was plied with all manner of violence, severity, 2 Le. a descendant of the Caliph *AIi. 8 On Qadaq see below, p. 259 and n. 37* 4 The text has Smarymt, i.e. apparently Samarqanli ^45 11691-298 11691 Ala Ad Din Ata Malik Juvaini - - THE HISTORY OF harshness and intimidation; and at last she confessed to the calumny of a slanderous talebearer and avowed her falseness. Her upper and lower orifices were sewn up, and she was rolled up in a sheet of felt and thrown into the river. One thou raisest op and givest him a kingdom, and then thou castest him into the sea to the fishes.5 And everyone that was connected with her perished also. And messengers were sent to fetch certain persons who had come from the Shrine and claimed to be related to her; and they suffered many annoyances. This was the year in which Giiyiik Khan went to join his father, [202] and it was then that eAli Khoja of Emil6 accused Shira of the same crime, namely of bewitching Khoja. He was cast into bonds and chains and remained imprisoned for nearly two years, during which time by reason of all manner of questioning and punishment he despaired of the pleasure of life. And when he recognized and knew of a certainty that this was the punishment of e Here is our money returned to us?7 he resigned himself to death and surrendering his body to the will of Fate and Destiny confessed to a crime which he had not committed. He too was cast into the river, and his wives and children were put to the sword. He slew his grandfather, and he himself did not remain here, nor did the world read his proclamation.8 When in that same year, in a happy and auspicious hour, the Khanate had been settled upon Mengii Qa'an, he set * Biirilgitei9 over the region of Besh-Baligh. And when Khoja was brought to the Qa*an, a messenger was sent to *Ali Khoja, who was one of his courtiers. Some other person brought the same accusation 5 Sbabnama ed. Vullers, 1003, 1. 734. 6 I.e. the town of Emil named after the river: Carpini's Omyl. 7 Koran, xit, 65. 8 Sbabwma ed. Vullers, 1277, 1. 99. 9 The text has here BRNKWTAY and elsewhere (IE, 53 and 57) BRNKWTAY, for which I read BRLKTAY in view of the spelling of his name in the Yuan sbibf viz. Pu-lin-chi-tai (Biirilgidei). Professor Cleaves, in a letter dated the 5th December, 1954, w^ g°°<* enough to supply me with translations of the two passages—Yto M, 3 (&V 2), 205-6 and 8ai-2—in which this 246 11691-299 11691 Ala Ad Din Ata Malik Juvaini - - THE WORLD-CONQUEROR against him, and Mengii-Qa9an ordered him to be beaten from the left and the right until all his Hmbs were crushed ; and so he died. And his wives and children were cast into the baseness of slavery and disgraced and humiliated. Approve not for another what thou approves! not for thy$el£ And the voice of Destiny cried out saying, * Thy while thy mouth was Homing! If it be silk, thoo hast woven it thyself^ and if it is a load of thorns, thou hast sown them And the Lord of the Prophets (upon whom h the most excellent of blessings and peace !) hath truly said : e Thou twst skin and sbalt le slain ; and thy slayer shall fa slain! And it was said of old : There is no band Ifut the band of God is above itf and tbert is no tyrant who is not tormented by a greater tyrant, [203] And it is not hidden from the wise and intelligent man, who looks at these matters in the light of understanding and reflects and ponders upon them, that the end of treachery and the conclusion of deceit, which spring from evil ways and wicked pretensions, is shameful and the termination thereof unlucky. And fortunate is he that can take warning from another: ** ^e that is advised ly what lefalletb others.' And bad tbey known what iniquity brings upon tbm tbot practise it, [it bad been well] but tbey looked not to tbe consequences .^ God preserve us from the like positions and from trespassing into $x region of deliberate offences ! commander is mentioned. The first reference is sub anno 1251 : * The princes [of the blood] Yeh-su Mang-k'o (Yesii Mongke), Pu-li (Biiri), Hou-che (Qoja) and others not having arrived [even] after the appointed time, Pu-lin-chi-tai (Burilgidei) was dispatched to deploy (lit. "lead") troops to prepare against diem.' The second reference, sub anno 1257, runs as follows : c The army of the marshal Pu-Un-chi-tai (Biirilgidei) [went forth] from Teng-chou and occupied the region and crossed the Han-chiang.* In a subsequent letter, dated the 4th February, 1955, Professor Cleaves suggests that Biidgidei is a derivative of the Mongol word bmlgl and means * Dissipator ' or * Destroyer *. 10 Sbabnama ed. Vullers, 122, 1. 1042. 11 From a qasida by Abu-Ishaq al-Ghazzi, (M.Q.) 247 11691-300 11691 Ala Ad Din Ata Malik Juvaini - - THE HISTORY OF [XXXVI] OF THE ACCESSION OF GUYUK KHAN TO THE THRONE OF THE KHANATE IN the year in which Qa'an was to bid farewell to the comforts of this life and to forswear the pleasures of this vile world, he had sent for Giiyuk, bidding him turn the reins of homecoming and direct his will and desire towards hurrying to his presence. In compliance with this command Giiyiik pressed the spurs of haste and loosened the bridle of speed; but when the time was at hand when the touch of plague that arises from length of distance was to have been expelled by closeness of propinquity and the veil of absence and exile removed, Fate's inevitable decree was carried out, and no respite was given for those thirsting in the desert of separation to quench their thirst with a drop of the limpid water of reunion or for father and son to anoint their eyes with the collyrium of each other's beauty. When Giiyuk received tidings of that irremediable calamity he saw fit to make still greater haste, and grief for what had happened did not suffer him to halt until he reached the EmiL Neither did he tarry here, for there was a report of the coining of Otegin, but proceeded to his father's ordu : and the hopes of the ambitious were dashed by his arrival. And in that neighbourhood he took up his abode. | State business was still entrusted to the counsel of his mother, Toregene Khatun, and the binding and loosening of affairs was in her hands, and Giiyiik did not intervene therein to enforce yasa or [204] custom nor did he dispute with her about these matters. And when messengers were dispatched to far and near to bid princes and noyans and summon sultans and kings and scribes, everyone left his home and country in obedience to the command. And when the world, because of the coming of spring, had set the foot of beauty upon the head of the stars and drawn the pen of oblivion through the Garden of Iram; and the earth, because of the arrival of Farvardin and her auxiliary plants, had donned 248 11691-301 11691 Ala Ad Din Ata Malik Juvaini - - THE WORLD-CONQUEROR a covering of every manner of flower; and the springtime, in thanksgiving for this wondrous bounty, had with blossoms made its whole body a mouth and with lilies converted all Its limbs into tongues; and ring-doves dallied with turtles, and melodious nightingales together with the lark composed this gbazttl in mid air: The host of Spring have pitched their tents out on the plain —thou too must pitch thy tent out on the plain, Drink wine from mom til eve and gather roses from dusk till dawn —then it was that the princes arrived, each with his horsemen and servants, his army and retinue. The eyes of mankind were dazzled by their accoutrement, and the fountain of their enemies* delight was troubled by the harmony that reigned among them all. Sorqotani Beki and her sons arrived first with such gear and equipage ase eye bath not seen nor ear hard \ And from the East there came Koten with his sons; Otegin and his children; Elchitei; and the other uncles and nephews that reside in that region. From the ordu of Chaghatai came Qara, Yesii,1 [205] Biiri,2 Baidar,3 Yesiin-Toqa 4 and the other grandsons and great-grandsons. From the country of Saqsin and Bulghar, since Batu did not come in person, he sent his elder brother Hordu and his younger brothers Siban, Berke, Berkecher and Toqa-Temur. And distinguished noyans and leading emirs, who had connections with one or other party, came in attendance on the princes. From Khitai there came emirs and officials; and from Transoxiana and Turkestan the Emir Mas'ud accompanied by the grandees of that region. With the Emir Arghun there came 1YS W. Yesii, Yesu-Mengii or Yesii-Mongke was the fifth son of Chaghatai. 2 BWRY. The second son of Metiken or Mo'etiiken. 8 BAYDAR. The sixth son of Chaghatai. 4 Reading YSNTWQH for the YSNBWQfl of the text. Rashid-ad-Din usually has variants of this form but in one pkce (Blochet, 166) YYSWTWA or YYSWNTWA, ie. Yesun-To'a. Pelliot, Horde ffOr, 88-92, equates the name with the Yesiinte'e or Yesiinto'e of the Secret History, but the forms in Juvaini and Rashid-ad-Din seem rather to support the etymology proposed by Blochet, 242*1, vh. yesim-togha * the number nine *, fiom the Mongol yesun fnine* and togba (to*a) 'number'. Yesiin-Toqa or Yesiin~To*a was the third son of Metiken. 249 11691-302 11691 Ala Ad Din Ata Malik Juvaini - - THE HISTORY OF the celebrities and notables of Khorasan, Iraq, Lur, Azerbaijan and Shirvan. From Rum came Sultan Rukn-ad-Din5 and the Sultan of Takavor;* from Georgia, the two Davids ;7 &om Aleppo, the brother of the Lord of Aleppo ;8 from Mosul, the envoy of Sultan Badr-ad-Din LuluV and from the City of Peace, Baghdad, the chief cadi Fakhr-ad-Din. There also came the Sultan of Erzerum,10 envoys fiom the Franks,11 and from Kerman and Fars also; and from 'Ala-ad-Din12 of Alamut, his governors (muhtasbam) in Quhistan, Shihab-ad-Din and Shams-ad-Din. And all this great assembly came with such baggage as befitted such a court; and there came also from other directions so many envoys and messengers that two [206] thousand felt tents had been made ready for them: there came also merchants with the rare and precious things that are produced in the East and the West When this assembly, which was such as no man had ever seen nor has the Hke thereof been read of in the annals of history, 5 Oaij-Arskn IV (1257-65). $ TAKWR. As M.Q. has shown, III, 484-90, this is the Armenian word fqgttwr * king * mistakenly applied by Juvaini, not to the ruler of Cilicia or Little Armenia, bat to the country itself. Here, however, is meant not King Het'um I himself but his brother the Constable Sempad (Smbat). 7 Le. David IV, the son of Queen Rusudani, and David V, the illegitimate son of her brother King GiorgL See Allen, A History of the Georgian People, 113-14- 8 This was the Ayyubid Nasir Salah-ad~Dui Yusuf, the ruler of Aleppo (1236-60) and Damascus (1250-60). 9 The Zangid atafag of Mosul (1233-59). 10 This is an anachronism, and it is significant that Rashid-ad-Din, who in this part of his history (Blochet, 242) follows Juvaini almost word for word, has omitted the reference to * the Sultan of Erzeram *. Rukn-ad-Din Jahan-Shah, the Seljuq ruler of Erzeram, had been deposed and executed after the defeat of Jakl-ad-Din Khorazm-Shah by the allied forces of Rum and Syria (1230); and his territory had then been incorporated in the kingdom of his cousin * Ak-ad-Din Kai-Qubad L 11 This would appear to be a reference to the mission of John de Piano Carpini 12 Marco Polo's * Old Man of the Mountain, Alaodin by name', i.e. Muhammad HI, die Grand Master of the Isma'ilis or Assassins (1221-55), on whom see below, ii, 703-12, also Hodgson, The Order of Assassins, 256-8. 11691-303 11691 Ala Ad Din Ata Malik Juvaini - - THE WORLD-CONQUEROR was gathered together, the broad plain was straitened and in the neighbourhood of the orfa there remained no place to alight in, and nowhere was it possible to dismount. Because of the many tents, and men, and pavilions there remained no level place on the plain.1S There was also a great dearth of food and drink, and no fodder was left for the mounts and beasts of burden. The leading princes were all agreed as to committing the affairs of the Khanate and entrusting the keys of the Empire to one of the sons of Qa*an. Koten aspired to this honour because his grandfather had once made a reference to him. Others ware of the opinion that Siremiin,14 when he came of age, might be a suitable person to charge with the affairs of the Kingdom. But of all the sons of Qa'an Giiyiik was most renowned for his might, and ruthlessness, and intrepidity, and dominion; he was the eldest of the brothers and had had most practice in the handling of difficult matters and most experience of weal and woe. Koten, on the other hand, was somewhat sickly, and Siremiin was but a child. Moreover, Toregene Khatun favoured Giiyiik, and Beki and her sons were at one with her in this, and most of the noyans were in accord with them in this matter. It was therefore agreed that the Khanate should be setded upon Giiyiik and that he should ascend the throne of the Kingdom. Giiyiik, as is the custom, for some time rejected the honour and recommended instead now this person, now that. Finally on a day chosen by the practitioners of the science of the qam all [207] the princes gathered together and took off their hats and loosened their belts. And [Yesii]15 taking one hand and Hordu the 1S Shabnam ed. Vullers, 474, 1. 652. 14 SYRAMWN. The older pronunciation of the name. Cf. the Siramun of Grigor and the Chinese transcription Hsi-lieh-men. The later pronunciation (Shkemiin) is represented by the Chirenen of Carpini, the SYRAMWN of Rashid-ad-Din and the Chinese transcription Shih-lieh-men. See Cleaves, The Mongolian Names, 426-7. The name appears to be the Turco-Mongolian form of Solomon. See PelliQt, Les Mongols et la Papautf, [2os]-[204], n. 4, or Cleaves, loc. dt, where Pelliot's note is quoted in full. Siremiin or Shiremun was the eldest son of Ogedei's second son, Kochii. 15 There is a blank in the text as in A and B, but E has NYSW, Le. YYSW. 251 11691-304 11691 Ala Ad Din Ata Malik Juvaini - - THE HISTORY OF other they set him on the throne of Dominion and the cushion of Kingship and seized their goblets; and the people that were present inside and outside the audience-hail knelt down three timess$ and called him * Giiyiik Khan *. And in accordance with their custom they gave declarations in writing that they would not change his word or command, and uttered prayers for his welfare; after which they went out of the hall and knelt three rimes to the sun. And when he reposed again upon the throne of greatness, the princes sat on chairs on his right and the princesses on his left, each in exceeding grace like a precious peari And in the place of cupbearers was every youth of graceful mien, and violet cheeks, and rosy complexion, and sable locks, and cypress form, and blossorn-like mouth, and pearly teeth, and happy aspect. And had ft been in the agt of Joseph, the hearts of men wmU have hen cut, not the hands of women.17 Sweethearts such that if recluses behold their fair faces they snatch them to their bosom with a blessing. They girded up their loins and at the beginning of that day passed round in succession cups ofqumiz and every kind of wine. When the IMles dance around the Mm thou seest pearls in red caskets. Venus the Fair, gazing upon that pleasant assembly, was but a spectator upon the roof of the green cupola; and the Moon and Jupiter, for wonder at the peri-like sun-faced ones, were grief-stricken and sat in the midst of ashes. And the minstrels, Barbad-like,18 opened their lips in song before the Chosroes of the World, and all others were tongue-tied for awe and dread. And in this manner rill midnight [208] of that day the wine cups were filled to the brim, and the princes in the presence of the peerless King 16C£ above, p. 187, D has 'nine times'. 17 The reference is to a well-known episode in the Joseph saga. The Egyptian ladies, guests of Zulaikha (Potiphar's wife), unable to take their eyes off the handsome young man-servant, cut their hands with the knives provided for peeling their oranges. 18Barbad was a famous court minstrel in Sassanian times. 252 11691-305 11691 Ala Ad Din Ata Malik Juvaini - - THE WORLD-CONQUEROR To the tune of the strings and the melody of the flute, with jessamine-cheeked beauties at the feet of the Chostoes, Drank wine til! midnight, and the minstrels opened their lips in song.19 When they had grown drank, after uniting in praising and belauding the Monarch of the Face of the Earth, they departed to their sleeping quarters; and on the next day, when the bright-faced Chosroes lifted the pitchy veil from his shining countenance and the patrolman, Dawn, left the Turk, Night, weltering in his blood— Until Dam pitched far tent and Darkness Jepartel trmlmg the hem 11691-306 11691 Ala Ad Din Ata Malik Juvaini - - THE HISTORY OF The princesses and concubines strutted in with the beauty of youth, Eke envoys of the materials of gaiety, and held cups of wine before them. I stltitl Ay cbe&s, my I saluted for joy me wtb me and apple mtb apple. And they seated themselves upon the left like the northern zephyr. And all the men and women [209] and youths and maidens had donned garments of fine pearls, whose sparkle and lustre was such that the stars of the night out of jealousy wished to be scattered before the time of scattering. And in the drinking-bout of enjoyment they stretched out for cups of pleasure and set the foot of merriment in the arena of amusement, gratifying their eyes by gazing on the songstresses and their ears by hearkening to the songs;—and their hearts were exalted by the succession of joys and delights— In the head the headache of wine, and in the hand the tresses of the Beloved. In this manner the day drew to its close: and on this wise for seven days, from noon till eve and from dawn till dusk, they were employed in handing round goblets of wine and gazing on peri-faced, fair-limbed beauties. And many a fawn's' song did his kinds suggest to the strings, signs of longing. When they had done with feasting, he ordered the doors of the old and new treasuries to be opened and every sort of jewels, money and clothes to be got ready. And the direction of this business, that is, the distribution of these valuables, he entrusted to the counsel and discretion of Sorqotani Beki, who had the greatest authority in that quriltai. The first to receive their share were the princes and princesses that were present of the race and lineage of Chingiz-Khan; as also all their servants and attendants, noble and base, greybeard and suckling; and then in due order the noyans, the commanders of tumen, thousands, hundreds and tens, according to the census, the sultans, matikf, scribes, officials 11691-307 11691 Ala Ad Din Ata Malik Juvaini - - THE WORLD-CONQUEROR and their dependents. And everyone else who was present, whoever he was, did not go portionless, nay everyone received his full share and appointed 1m. And after dispatching this business they began to inquire into affairs of state. [210] First they took the case of Otegin, which they saw fit to investigate carefully and examine minutely. And since this examination was a matter of great delicacy and it was impossible to confide in strangers, Mengii and Hordu were the examiners and no one else could have a say in the matter. When they had completed their task, a group of emirs put him to death in accordance with the yam. And in the same way they dealt with other important matters which the emirs were not allowed to discuss. A short while after Qa'an Chaghatai also died. He was succeeded by his grandson, Qara Oghul, and Yesii, who was his immediate son, did not interfere. And because Giiyiik Khan had a great friendship and affection for the latter, he said: c How can a grandson be heir when there is a son ? * During their lifetime both Qa*an and Chaghatai had designated Qara Oghul as the successor to Chaghatafs kingdom; but Giiyiik settled it upon Yesii [211] and strengthened his arm in all affairs. After Qa'an's death each of the princes had acted for himself, and each of the nobles had attached himself to one of them; and they had written drafts on the Kingdom and issued paizas. Giiyiik ordered these to be called in. And since what had been done was outside their yasa and custom, they were ashamed and hung their heads in confusion. And the paizas and yarlighs of everyone of them were called in and laid before the author with the words: ' Read what thou bast written!24 But Beki2S and her sons held their heads high, for no one could produce any document of theirs that was contrary to the yasa. In all his speeches Giiyiik Khan used to hold them up as an example; and because 24 Koran, xvii, 15. 25 Le. Sorqotani (Sorqoqtani) Beki. Beki (* the Princess') may have been a sort of posthumous tide adopted in order to avoid the mention of her real name. See my article, On the Tttks Given in Juvdni to Certm Mongolian Pmcer, 153. 11691-308 11691 Ala Ad Din Ata Malik Juvaini - - THE HISTORY OF of their observance of the yasas he held others lightly but them he praised and lauded. And he made a yasa that just as Qa'an, at the time of his accession, had upheld the yarns of his father and had not admitted any change or alteration of his statutes, so too the yasas and statutes of his own father should be immune from the contingencies of redundance and deiciency and secure from the corruption of change, and every yartigh that had been adorned with the royal al-tamgba should be signed again without reference to the Emperor. And after this they consulted together about the army and the sending thereof to all parts of the world. And when it was learnt that of the clime of Khitai Manzi, which is the farthermost part thereof, had freed itself from its allegiance and set aside its submission, he dispatched Subetei Bahadur and Jaghan26 Noyan to that region with a mighty host and a numerous army; and the like to Tangut and Solangai; while to the West he dispatched Eljigitel27 and a large army. And he commanded that from \2i2\ every prince two men out of every ten should join Eljigitei, that all the men in that region should mount horse with him, that two out of every ten Taziks should go along and that they should begin by attacking the Heretics.28 And it was agreed 26 JTAN. In III, o"4, A6 nanie is spelt Jl~A, i.e. Jagha. jaghon in Mongol means * elephant'. Blochet, 306, adopts the form <5FAN, i.e. Chaghan, which is also possible, cha^km being the Mongol for * white*. According to Rashid-ad-Din (Berezin, VII, 156-7, Khetagurov, 144-5, where the name is spelt Uchagan), Jaghan was by oiigin a Tangut and had, at the age of fifteen, been adopted by Chingiz-Khan as his fifth son. (There is evidently some confusion with Orchan or Orchaqan, the Conqueror's son by a Tatar concubine, on whom see above, pp. 180-1, n. 6, also Khetagurov, no, where his name is spelt Chagan.) He commanded Chingiz-Khan's * chief tumen* (hazm-yi-luzurg) and was afterwards appointed by Ogedei to the command of all the Mongol forces on the borders of Khitai or Northern China, as also to the governorship of Khitai itself. 27 Reading AYLjYKTAY for the AYL 11691-309 11691 Ala Ad Din Ata Malik Juvaini - - THE WORLD-CONQUEROR that he himself should follow after. And although he had placed all the armies and conquered peoples under the command of Eljigitei, he especially entrusted to him the affairs of Rum, Georgia, Aleppo, Mosul and Takavor2i in order that no one else might interfere with them and the sultans and governors of those parts might be answerable to him for their tribute. And he bestowed the countries of Khitai upon the Great Minister Yalavach, as also Transoxiana, Turkestan and the other lands that had been under the control of the Emir Mascud Beg. And Iraq, Azerbaijan, Shirvan, Lur, Kerman, Pars and die territory in the direction of India he entrusted to the Emir Arghun. And to all of the emirs and mdiks that were dependent on each of them he gave yarlijbs and paizas: he confided important business to them and distinguished them with tiger-headed so pdzas and with yarlighs. And he settled the Sultanate of Rum upon Sultan Rukn-ad-Din, because he had come to do him homage, and deposed his elder brother.31 And David, the son of Qiz-Malik,S2 he made subject to the other David. And yarlighs were given to the Sultans of Takavor33 and Aleppo and to the envoys. As It was known to Rubruck, who speaks of * the Hacsasms, whom they call Mulidet* (Rockhill, 222), and is used also by the Armenian writers Yardan (Mlhedke) and Kirakos (Mlhedk* and Mulhedk'). mulM is actually a stronger word than beretic, the Isma'ilis being regarded as outside the pale of Islam, 29 The text has Diyar-Bekr (Diyar-Bakr), but E has TAKWR (corrupted by B and C into BAKWR), i.e. Takavor, on which see above* p. 250, n. 6. 30 sbir-sar, which could also mean * lion-headed'. C£ Marco Polo ed, Benedetto, 112: 'And you must know that he who is captain of 100 men has a silva tablet, he who is captain of 1000 men a tablet of gold or gilt silver, he who is captain of 10,000 men a gold tablet with a lion's bead? What is meant in both cases is the Chinese bihfv or * tiger tally *. Marco Polo, as Pelliot remarks, always uses * lion' for * tiger'—* par exemple a propos des bm-fou ou M tabkttes au tigre ", vraisembkbement sous Finfluence du persan ser, sir'. (Notes sur k f( Turkestan " fa M. W. Bartbold, 17.) In fact in Classical Persian stir (or sber, as it was then pronounced) was applied indifferently to the Lion and the Tiger. In present-day Persia the word means exclusively * Hon', but in India, where the old pronunciation (sber) has been preserved, it is the ordinary term for * tiger *. Cf. the Shere Khan of the Jungle Tahs. 31'Izz-ad-Din Kai-Ka'us n (1245-57). For the somewhat complicated details of the two princes" reigns see Grousset, op. cit., 423. 32 Le. Rusudani. Qiz-Malik is more or less * Queen *, from the Turkish 11691-310 11691 Ala Ad Din Ata Malik Juvaini - - THE HISTORY OF for the envoy from Baghdad the farUgb with which he had been honoured was taken back from him, and Giiyiik Khan sent angry messages to the Commander of the Faithful [213] because of a complaint that Siremiin,34 the son of Chormaghun, had made about them. As for the envoys from Alamut, he dismissed them with contempt and disdain; and the reply to the memorandum they had brought was couched in correspondingly harsh language. And when important affairs had thus been disposed of, the princes, after taking leave and performing the ceremonies of obeisance, departed homewards and busied themselves with the words and commands of Giiyiik Khan by arranging the dispatch of armies and the appointment of emirs. And when the report of his accession was published throughout the world and the severity and awesomeness of his justice became known, before the armies reached his opponents, for fear and dread of his rigour there was a host in every heart and a warrior in every bosom. Before thy Ibe thy arrow is a valiant army; around thy army thy terror is a strong fortress. And every lord of the marches who heard that report, for fear of his fury and dread of his ferocity, e sought out an opening into the earth or a ladder into HeavenJ.35 I see no foeman in the whole world, either overt or covert, Who when he hears thy name will not writhe. Writhe, did I say ? verily he will fall lifeless.86 And his ministers, favourites and courtiers were unable to raise the foot of representation nor could they bring any matter to his attention before he had taken the initiative in speaking of it. And visitors from near and far did not step a span higher than the stables except that person who used to present his 84 Not to be confused with the grandson of Ogedei, on whom see above, p. 251, n. 14. 85 An adaptation of Koran, vi, 55. 3e Shatwma ed. Vullers, 1637, 11» 2492-3. 258 11691-311 11691 Ala Ad Din Ata Malik Juvaini - - THE WORLD-CONQUEROR offering on the first day and then depart without even going inside. Now Qadaq S7 had been in attendance OB him since his childhood in the capacity ofatabcg; and since he was by religion a Christian, Giiyilk too was brought up in that faith, [214] and the picture thereof was painted on the page of his bosom * like a picture carved on stone. To this was added [the influence of] Chinqai. He therefore went to great lengths in honouring the Christians and their priests, and when this was noised abroad, priests set their faces towards his Court from Damascus and Rum and Baghdad and the As38 and the Rus;** and for the most part too it was Christian physicians that wore attached to his service. And because of the attendance of Qadaq and Chinqai he naturally was prone to denounce the faith of Mohammed (upon whom be tbe most excellent of peace and tttssinff!). And since the Emperor was of a languid nature he had entrusted the binding and loosening, the tying and untying of affairs to Qadaq and Chinqai and made them responsible for good and evil, weal and woe. Consequently the cause of the Christians flourished during his reign, and no Moslem dared to raise his voice to them. Now Guyiik Khan wished the fame of his own generosity to surpass the fame of his father's. His munificence exceeded aU bounds. When the merchants gathered together ftom the farthest and nearest parts of the world and brought rare and precious things, he commanded them to be valued in the same way as had been done in his father's reign. On one occasion the dues of a group of merchants who had waited upon him amounted to the sum of seventy thousand Utisb, for which drafts were written upon every land. Now the goods received from those merchants and those delivered in one day from the lands of the East and West, from Khitai to Rum, together with the wares of every clime and people, were piled up in heaps, each 37 Carpini's ' Kadac, the procurator of the whole empire *. (Rockhill, 27.) 38 The As (As) or Alans (Alan) were the ancestors of the present-day Ossetes, 39 Le. the Russians. On the derivation of the name see Vernackky, Ancient RMSSW, 276-8. U 359 11691-312 11691 Ala Ad Din Ata Malik Juvaini - - THE HISTORY OF sort in a different pile. * It will be difficult to transport all this/ said the ministers, * and it has to be sent to the treasury in Qara-Qorum/ * It would also be difficult to guard,* said Giiyiik, * and would not profit us: let it be distributed among the soldiers and those in attendance on us/ And for days it was distributed and sent to all the subject peoples on the right and the left; [215] and not an infant remained without its share. And it was distributed likewise among all who had come fiom far and near, whether master or slave. Finally only a third had not been disposed of; this too was distributed but in the end there still remained a great deal. One day Giiyiik came from the ordu and passed by these wares. * Did I not tell you/ he said, c to give it all to the army and the people ?' c This/ they replied, * is what is left after everyone has twice received his full share/ He commanded everyone that was present at that moment to carry off as much as he could. And that year 40 he passed in his winter-quarters; and when the New Year came, and the world escaped again from the cold of winter, and a pleasant haze descended, and the face of the earth donned the motley robe of spring, and the trees and branches again drew up sap, and the fertilizing winds began to blow, and the air (bwi) was like the love (bava) of a sweet mistress, and the gardens became radiant like the cheeks of princesses, and birds and beasts mated, and fond friends and intimate companions, taking advantage of the days of joy before the coming of autumn, slept not nor rested in compliance with the verses Arise thou, who art the one the love of whom stole the peace of mind of the jasmine, let us rejoice together in the time of the jasmine; Let us pluck roses from the face of the rose-coloured garden, let us drink wine from the lips of the wine-coloured jasmine —then it was that Giiyiik Khan fulfilled his intention of departing and quitted the capital of his kingdom.41 And wherever 40I.e. 1247. 41 According to Rashid-ad-Din (Blochet, 250), he gave it out that he was proceeding, for reasons of health, to the region of the Enul, but Princess Sorqoq- 26O 11691-313 11691 Ala Ad Din Ata Malik Juvaini - - THE WORJLD-CONQUEROR he came where there was a sown field or where be saw people, he would command his attendants to give them and clothes, so that they were freed from the humiliation of poverty and indigence. And in this manner with the greatest awesome-ness and majesty he proceeded towards the countries of the West. When he reached the confines of * Qum-Sengir,42 a week's journey from Besh-Baligh, the predestined hour [216] arrived 4S and did not grant him respite to advance one step beyond that place. How many hopes have been unfulfilled through the jugglery of the cruel Heavens ! Neither violence nor fury hindered, and neither armies nor munitions could coerce. And what is still stranger is that however much men look and observe the like hereof they in no wise take warning; greed and cupidity are every day on the increase; the predominance of avidity is strengthened hourly; and yet the voice of the tongueless speaker does not prevent, and its admonishment in the ear of understanding does not prohibit. The world is ever saying: * It were better not to set thy heart on me.* Thou dost not hearken to the voice of this speechless speaker. etani suspected that his real intention was to attack his cousin Batu, to whom she accordingly sent a warning. 42 Reading QMSNKR for the SMRQND, i.e. Samarkand of the text, which is of course impossible. In Les Mongols et k Papwtt, [i9 11691-314 11691 Ala Ad Din Ata Malik Juvaini - - THE HISTORY OF Wherefore dost thou seek the love of the cruel one by whom Alexander lost his life ? Wherefore dost thou dally with the mkress by whom Darius lost his kingdom ? Seest thou not what tricks this fair-seeming beldame produces every hoot from this mercury-coloured tent ? [XXXVII] OF PRINCESS OGHUL-GHAIMISH * AND HER SONS WHEN the inevitable fate of all mortals had overtaken Giiyiik Khan, the roads were closed (as is their custom and wont whenever a king dies) and a ya$& was promulgated to the effect that everyone should halt in whatever place he had reached, whether it was inhabited or desert. [217] And after the sorrow for this calamity had abated Oghul-Ghaimish sent messengers to Sor-qotani Beki and Batu informing them of what had happened ; and after consulting and deliberating with the ministers as to whether she should return to the ordu of Qa*an or proceed to the Qobaq and the Emil, where the former ordu of Giiyiik Khan was situated, in accordance with her own inclination she set out for the Emil. And Sorqotani Beki, as is their usual custom, sent her clothing and a fagbtagb* together with messages of *ATWL TAYMS. According to Rashid-ad-Dm, who calls her Oqul-Qaimish, she was a Merkk. (Khetagurov, 116.) It was she who received the first mission from Louis IX and her reply to the French King has been preserved in the pages of Joinville. See PdUot, Les Mongols et k Papautl, [213], In Mongke's letter to St. Louis she is referred to as Camus: *.. . After the death of Keu Chan your ambassadors reached this court. And Camus his wife sent you wsk stuffs and letters. But as to affairs of war and peace and the welfare and happiness of a great realm, what could this woman, who was viler than a dog, know about them ? . . / (Rockhifl, 249-50.) 2 The iofte^fc or bogbtaq was the headdress of the married women. It is the fcxra, i.e. *&»£&, of Rubruck, who describes it as follows: * Furthermore they have a headdress which they call tocca, made of bark, or such light material as they can find, and it is big and as much as two hands can span around, and is a cubit and more high, and square like the capital of a column. This locca they cover (2-33) with costly silk stuff, and it is hollow inside, and on top of the capital, or the square on it, they put a tuft of quills or light canes also a cubit or more in length. And this tuit they ornament on the top with peacock feathers, and round the edge (of the top) with feathers from the mallard's tal, and also 262 11691-315 11691 Ala Ad Din Ata Malik Juvaini - - THE WORLD-CONQUEROR advice and condolence. And Batu consoled and comforted her In the like manner and heartened her with fair promises; and among other things he suggested that Oghul-Ghaimish, as heretofore, should administer affairs of state together with the ministers and attend to all that was necessary. On the pretext that his horses were lean, he halted In Ala-Qamaq;3 and word was sent to all the princes and emirs bidding them present themselves at that place in order to consult together regarding the entrusting of the Khanate to a fitting person so that affairs 01 state might not again be deranged and confusion might not arise. Khoja and Naqu also should come, and Qadaq should not fail to accompany them, [218] Khoja and Naqu for their part set out to join Batu. As for Qadaq, at the time when from loftiness of station he had set foot on the Heavens he had uttered ravings that befitted not his rank and from extremity of folly with precious stones. The wealthy kdies wear such an ornament on their heads, and fasten It down tightly with an amess, for which there is an opening in the top for that purpose, and inside they stuff their hair, gathering it together on the backs of the tops of their heads in a kind of knot, and putting it in Ac locce, which they afterwards tie down tightly under the chin. So it is that when several kdies are riding together, and one sees them, from afar, they look like soldiers, helmets on head and lances erect. For this locca looks like a helmet, and the tuft above it is like a lance,* (Rockhfll, 73-4.) 3 ALAQMAQ. Apparently identical with the A4a-tVhu-k-wu (*Ak-Toghra'u ?) of the Yuan sbib, in which Pelliot, Les Mongols et k Papattte, [190], n. 2, sees *Ak-Toghraq, *le Peuplier tachete*, from the Turkish da 'speckled*, cbkck and white* and toghraq 'popkr*. He accounts for the discrepancy between the two forms by suggesting that Ak-Qamaq may be a corruption of *Ak-Toghraq. Another solution of the problem would be to see In the second element of Ala-Qamaq a variant or corruption of the Ottoman and Azerbaijani word for 'poplar*, viz. qavaq (kavaK). Ala-Qamaq lay a week*s journey from Qayatigh (see below, ii, 557), perhaps, as Barthold suggests in his article on Batu in the Encyclopedia of Islam, in the Ala-Tau mountains between the Issik-Kul and the IK. According to Rashid-ad-Din (Blochet, 274-8) Batu's meeting with the princes took place, not at Ak-Qamaq (which is nowhere mentioned), but somewhere in his own territory. Being crippled with rheumatism at the time of Giiytik's death (see also Blochet, 251), he summons the princes to his own headquarters in the West; and the sons of Cgedei, Chaghatai and Giiyiik are represented as refusing to make the long journey to the Qipchaq Steppe. Otherwise Rashid-ad-Din's account of the meeting in no way differs from Juvaini's detailed description of the qur&tai at Ak-Qamaq. See below, ii, 557-62. 263 11691-316 11691 Ala Ad Din Ata Malik Juvaini - - THE HISTORY OF and excess of ignorance had spoken words that were the source of panic and the substance of gossip. Therefore being afraid he drew back his foot and bowed his head pretending to be ill. And though messengers were sent several times again he did not give way, nor would Oghul-Ghaimish and her sons consent to his going. They therefore took their leave of him immediately* And when Khoja and Naqu arrived in Ala-Qamaq they did not remain more than a day or two and went back before the other princes, because the star of their fortune was on the wane. They left Temiir Noyan with Batu as their representative telling him that whatever agreement was reached by the princes he too was to give a written undertaking to the same effect. And when the princes were agreed as to the accession of the Just Monarch Mengii Qa'an he too gave his written consent. The princes, in order to show respect to the sons of Giiyuk Khan, still left the government in their hands until such time as there should be a quriltai; and they sent a messenger to them to say that since Chinqai had always been a trustworthy person and had charge of weighty matters he was to continue the direction of affairs and issue yarligfo until such time as a Khan was appointed and the secret of God Almighty revealed. [219] From Ala-Qamaq the princes all departed to their own oritts in order to make ready for the quriltai. As for Temiir he went back to Khoja and Naqu and told them how the princes had agreed to the auspicious accession of Mengii Qa'an. They reproached him for having given his written word and agreed with the rest; and they plotted to set an ambush in the pathway of Mengii Qa'an and let fly the arrow of treachery from the thumb of incivility. However Fortune being vigilant, and helpful, and kind, and Fate being at his side, and Luck his helpmeet, and the Grace of the Creator (glorious are His bounties and many His Uessings!) accompanying him, and the solicitude of the people assisting and supporting him, he had passed through the ambushes and dangers before they were aware. Nevertheless they still cherished that thought in their breasts and continued to deal with current affairs, although these amounted to little except negotiations with merchants, the provisional allocation 264 11691-317 11691 Ala Ad Din Ata Malik Juvaini - - THE WORLD-CONQUEROR of sums of money to every land and country and the dispatch of relays of churlish messengers and taxgatherers. And most of the time Oghul-Ghaimish was closeted with the qam carrying out their fantasies and absurdities.4 As for Khoja and Naqu they held two separate courts in opposition to their mother; and thus there were three rulers in one place. And elsewhere also the princes made dealings in accordance with their owe wishes* and the grandees and notables of every land attached themselves to a party according to their own inclination. And the affairs of Oghul-Ghaimish and her sons got out of control because of their differences with one another and their contentions with their senior kinsmen; and their counsels and schemes diverged from the pathway of righteousness. As for Chinqai he was weak and confused in the conduct of affairs, and his advice was not admitted to the ear of their understanding: [220] being young they acted in accordance with their own counsel, while Oghul-Ghaimish pleased herself in hindering men of goodwill* Two things with which the ascetic can do nothing are the counsel of women and the command of young mm: As for women tbdr inclination is towards passion, and as for young men, they run with loose bridle^ And they sent messengers to Batu saying: * We will not consent to the election of another Khan; we shall never connive at that agreement/ A sentence was passed and a letter preceded^ Iwt &f what avail was impatience or anxiety? God passeth what judgement He pleaseth: wfafefm then art thm disturbed seeing that all is well ? They sent all these messages with Yesii's encouragement and with his consent and support. And again and again their loving kinsfolk Beki and Batu sent them words of advice, saying, * At any rate you should come to the quriltaij and take counsel, 4 William of Rubruck was informed by Mongke * with his own lips that Camus was the worst kind of a witch, and that she had destroyed the whole of net family by her witchcraft*. (Rockhill, 250.) 5 Husain b.c Ali of Marv-ar-Rud» who flourished under the Samanids. (M.Q.) 265 11691-318 11691 Ala Ad Din Ata Malik Juvaini - - THE HISTORY OF and deliberate together a second time when all the aqa and inis are assembled together.* And from Batu there would come messengers saying that [221] if the Khanate was settled on Mengii Qa'an most of the advantages therefrom would accrue to them* But since they looked with the gaze of puerility and petulance and had not been chastened and corrected by experience of life, they persisted in these ideas. And as for Qadaq, for fear of the effects of his foolish words and immature thoughts, he agreed with their ideas of opposition. And though messengers came from every side bidding them hasten the calling of the guriltaif they persisted in their lassitude and procrastination, planning schemes behind the curtain of opposition and casting the dice of counsel on the chequer-board of desire; and they still held back from doing what was expedient. Finally a messenger came from the princes saying that they were gathered together in the presence [of Mengii]. Accordingly Naqu set out to join them, and was followed by Khoja, and afterwards by Ghaimish, as shall be related in the chapter on the accession of the World-Emperor Mengii Qa'an; when through shortsightedness and vanity things came to such a pass that the understanding of the wise struggled in the mire of the thought thereof and could find no way out. [XXXVIII] OF TUSHI AND THE ACCESSION OF BATU * IN HIS STEAD WHEN Tushi, who was the eldest son, had gone to Qulan-Bashi to join Chingiz-Khan and had returned from thence, the predestined hour arrived. And of his sons, Boghal,2 Hordu, Batu, Sibaqan, Tangut, Berke and [222] Berkecher, these seven, 6Le. the elder and young brothers. 1 On the reign of Batu, the founder of the Golden Horde, see Vernadsky, The Mongols cmd Russia 140-9, Grousset, ISEmptre des Steppes, 470-4, Spuler, Dk GoUew Horde, 10-32. 2 Reading BWTL for the BMHL of the text. Rashid-ad-Din has BWWAL, Le. Bowal or Bo'al, and BWQAL, i.e. Boqal Bo'al is in fact the Western pronunciation of the Mongol name Bo*ol meaning 'slave*. See Pelliot, Horde d'Or, 52-4. Bo'al, who appears in Lane-Poole, The Mohammadan Dynasties, as Teval, was the grandfather of the famous general Noqai, the Nogai of Marco Polo. 266 11691-319 11691 Ala Ad Din Ata Malik Juvaini - - THE WORLD-CONQUEROR had come of age; and Bate succeeded his father and became ruler of the kingdom and his brothers. And when Qafan to the throne of the Empire Batu reduced and subjugated all the territory adjoining his own, including all that remained of the Qifchaq, the Alan, the As and the Rus, and other lands also such as Bulghar^ Magas,8 etc. And Batu abode in his own encampment, which he had set up in the region of the Etil ;4 and he built a town there which is called Sarai ;s and his word was law in every land. He was a king that inclined towards no faith or religion: he recognized only the belief in God and was blindly attached to no sect or creed. His bounty was beyond calculation and his liberality immeasurable. The kings of every land and the monarchs of the horizons and everyone else came to visit him; and before their offerings, which were the accumulation of ages, could be taken away to the treasury, he had bestowed them all upon Mongol and Moslem and all that were present, and heeded not whether it was much or little. And merchants from every side brought him all manners of wares, and he took everything and doubled the price of it several rimes over. And he wrote drafts on the Sultans of Rum and Syria and granted them yarligbs; [223] and no one that came to visit him departed without achieving his purpose. When Giiyuk Khan succeeded to the Khanate, Batu, at his request and entreaty, set out to meet him. When he had reached Ala-Qamaq the death of Giiyuk Khan occurred. He halted in that place, and the princes came to visit him from every side; and they settled the Khanate upon Mengii Qa'an, the account whereof will be given in the chapter on Mengii Qa'an. And 3 MKS. Magas, the Meget, etc., of the Secret Historyf was actually the capital of the Alans or Ossetes. See Minorsky, Caucasica III, 232-8. 4 AYTYL. The Volga. Carpini was the fat Western writer to call the river by its Russian name. Even Rubruck calls it Etilia. See RockhiH, 8, n. 2. The name was given to the Volga by the Bulgars and Avars; and e&l is to this day the Chuvash word for' river *. See Barthold, Histoire fas Twcs, 22. 5 This is Chaucer's * Sarray, in the land of Tartarye'. Sarai (called afterwards * Old Sarai * to distinguish it from the * New Sarai * founded by Berke) was situated on the eastern bank of the Akhtuba, about 65 miles north of Astrakhan. See Veraadsky, op. at., 141 and 153, Spuler, op. dt.} 266-8. 267 11691-320 11691 Ala Ad Din Ata Malik Juvaini - - THE HISTORY OF from thence he went back, and came to his own orh, and busied himself with pleasures and amusements. And whenever a campaign was being organized he would, in accordance with the exigencies of the occasion, dispatch armies led by his relations, kinsfolk and commanders. When, in the year 653/1255-6, Mengii Qa'an held another quriltd, he sent Sartaq, who was an adherent of the Christian faith. Sartaq had not yet arrived when the commandment of God was fulfilled and the inevitable state 6 came to pass in the year . * *7 And when Sartaq arrived, Mengii Qa'an received him with honour and respect and distinguished him with all manner of kindnesses above all his equals; and he dismissed him with such wealth and riches as befitted so great a king. He had not yet reached his ordu but had only come to ... when he too departed to join his father. Mengii Qa'an sent his emirs to console his wives and brothers; and he commanded that Boraqchin 8 Khatun, who was Batu's chief wife, should issue orders and educate Ulaghchi,8 the son of Sartaq, until he grew up and succeeded his father. But Fate had not willed it thus, and Ulaghchi passed away that same year. [XXXIX] [224] OF THE CONQUEST OF BULGHAR x AND THE TERRITORY OF THE AS AND THE RUS 2 WHEN Qa'an held the great qttriltai for the second time, they deliberated together concerning the extirpation and subjugation 6 I.e. the death of Batii. 7 There is considerable divergency in the sources as to the date of Batu's death, but it seems most likely that he died in 1255. See Spuler, op. ctt.f 32, n. 108. 8BRAQ 11691-321 11691 Ala Ad Din Ata Malik Juvaini - - THE WORLD-CONQUEROR of all the remaining rebels; and it was decided to seize the lands of the Bulghar, the As and the Rus, which bordered on the camping grounds of Batu; for they had not completely submitted being deluded by the size of their territory. He therefore deputed certain princes to aid and assist Bate, viz. Mengii Qa'an and his brother Bochek;3 his own sons Giiyiik Khan and Qadaghan; of the other princes, Kolgen, Biiri and Baidar; Batu's brothers, Hordu and Tangut; and several other princes as well as Siibetei Bahadur from amongst the chief commanders. The princes departed each to his own place of residence in order to organize their forces and armies; and in the spring they each of them set forth from his own territory and hastened to carry out this undertaking. They came together in the territory of the Bulghar. The earth echoed and reverberated from the multitude of their armies, and at the size and tumult of their forces the very beasts stood amazed. First they took by storm the city of Bulghar, famous throughout the world for the strength of its position and its ample resources; and as a warning to others they slew the people or led them captive. And from thence they proceeded to the land of the Rus and conquered that country 4 as far as the city [225] of Magas,5 the inhabitants of which were as numerous as ants or locusts, while its environs were entangled with woods and forests such that even a serpent could not penetrate them. The princes all halted on the outskirts of the town, and on every side they built roads wide enough for three or four waggons to pass abreast. And they set up 3 BWfiK. The Bujck of the Secret History and the Bichac or Bechac of Carpini. Bochek was actually Mongke's half-brother. See Rashid-ad-Din cd. Blochet, 207, where there is a blank for his mother's name. He most be the brother of Mongke and Arigh Boke, * by the father *, who according to Rubruck had captured the goldsmith William Buchier *in Hungary, in a town called Belgrade *. See Rockhill, 222. 4 At this pkce, Minorsky, op. dtt 222, n. 2, assumes a great lacuna in the text. Hence the impression is given that Magas was captured during the operations in Russk, whereas it was actually taken in the course of a subsequent campaign in the Caucasus. 5 In Persian mgas means * fly', and the following reference to ants, locusts and a serpent is therefore an example of the figure known as taniwb. See above, p. 117, n. 7. 269 11691-322 11691 Ala Ad Din Ata Malik Juvaini - - THE HISTORY OF mangonels opposite the walls, and after a space of several days left nothing of the city but its namesakes/ and took great booty. And they gave orders to cut off the right ears of the people, and two hundred and seventy thousand ears were counted.7 And from thence the princes turned homewards. [XL] OF THE HORSEMEN 1 OF THE KELER AND BASHGHIRD 2 WHEN the Rus, the Qifehaq and the Alan had been annihilated, Batu resolved to proceed to the destruction of the Keler and Bashghird, who are large nations professing the Christian faith and are said to border on the land of the Franks. With this object in mind he arrayed his armies and set out in the new year. And that people was rendered arrogant by the magnitude of their numbers, the greatness of their power and the strength of their arms; and when they heard the report of Batu's approach they too set out to meet him with four hundred thousand horsemen, each of whom was famous in war and considered flight disgrace. Batu sent his brother Sibaqan on in advance with ten thousand men to spy out their numbers and send word of the extent of their strength and might. Sibaqan set forth in obedience to his command and at the end of a [226] week came back and reported that they were double the size of the Mongol army, all men of war and battle. When the two armies drew close to each other Batu went up on to a hilltop ;3 and for one day and night he spoke to no one but prayed and lamented; and he bade the Moslems also assemble together and offer up 6 A pun: nothing butjfc. 7 C£ above, p. 195 and n. 13. 1 Or * the horsemen (kbaS) who marched against the Keler and Bashghird'. This is how Minorsky, Cwccma III, 223, understands the heading. On the other hand <£ the reference below to the 400,000 horsemen of the Hungarians. 2 Bashghird is here simply a synonym of Keler, i.e. the Hungarians, and does not refer to the Uralian Bashkirs, whose descendants are now citizens of the Bashkir Autonomous Soviet Socialist Republic. On these latter see Minorsky, Huaud, 318-19- 8 Cf. above, p. 80. 270 11691-323 11691 Ala Ad Din Ata Malik Juvaini - - THE WORLB-COKQUEROR prayers. The next day they made ready for battle. A large river4 lay between the armies: Batu sent over a detachment by night and then his [main] army crossed. Batons brother entered the battle in person and made attack after attack; but the enemy's army was strong and did not budge. Then the [main] army arrived from behind; and Sibaqan attacked at the same time with all his forces; and they bore down on their royal pavilions and cut the ropes with their swords/ And when the Mongols had overturned their pavilions the army of the Keler f lost heart and fled. And no more of that army escaped, and those lands also were subjugated. This was one of their greatest deeds and their fiercest battles. [XLI] OF CHAGHATAI CHAGHATAI was a fierce and mighty khan, stern and severe. When the lands of Transoxiana and Turkestan were subjugated, his camping grounds and those of his children and armies extended from Besh-Baligh to Samarqand, fair and pleasant places fit to be the abode of Hngs. In spring and summer he had his quarters in Almaligh and Quyas, which in those seasons [227] resembled the Garden of Irani. He constructed large pools (which they call kolI) in that region for the flocking of the waterfowl. He also built a town2 called Qudugh. The * The Sayo. 5 As Minorsky, Cawaska 111, 223, n. 3* has pointed out, Carpini saw in Batu's camp on the lower Volga * tents made of linen. They are large and quite handsome, and used to belong to the king of Hungary.* (Rockhul, 10.) 6 * The battle against the Hungarkns was won at Mohi, on the right bank of the river Sayo, above its junction with the Tisza, on nth April, 1241, On this occasion quarrels arose between Batu and Siibedey, see the translation of the latter's Chinese biography in PeUiot, [Horde 11691-324 11691 Ala Ad Din Ata Malik Juvaini - - THE HISTORY OF autumn and winter he spent in [? Maraozik]3 on the Ila. And at every stage, from beginning to end he had laid up stores of food and drink. And he was ever engaged in amusements and pleasures and dallying with sweet-faced peri-like maidens. For fear of his yasa and punishment his followers were so well disciplined that during his reign no traveller, so long as he was near his army, had need of guard or patrol on any stretch of road; and, as is said by way of hyperbole, a woman with a golden vessel on her head might walk alone without fear or dread. And he enacted minute yasas that were an intolerable imposition upon such as the Taziks, e.g. that none might slaughter meat in the Moslem fashion nor sit by day in running water, and so on. The yasa forbidding the slaughter of sheep in the lawful manner he sent to every land; and for a time no man slaughtered sheep openly in Khorasan, and Moslems were forced to eat carrion. When Qa'an died ChaghataTs Court became the rendezvous of all mankind, and men journeyed from near and far to do him homage* But it was not long before a sore disease attacked him such that the cause was victor over the cure. He had a Turkish vizier, a man called Hujir, who had risen to power at the end of his reign and had taken over the affairs of the Kingdom. Together with the physician Majd-ad-Din this man did everything in his power to cure Chaghatafs disease and showed great kindness and solicitude. [228] However, when Chaghatai died, Yesiilun,4 his senior wife, ordered them both to be killed together with their children. The Emir Habash 'Amid, who had been attached to Chaghatafs service ever since the conquest of Transoxiana and had attained to the rank of vizier, still remained in the service 9 The text has MRAWRYL following A, but there are several variants. The word is either a proper name or a corruption of some word meaning ' neighbourhood ', * banks * or the like, in which case the whole phrase would run: ' near (on the banks of) the Ila/ Da was the Old Turkish name of the Hi. 4 YSLWN. According to Rashid-ad-Din (Blochet, 154) she was the daughter of Qata Noyan, the son of Daritai of the Qpnqirat tribe. Daritai was the brother of Dei Sechen, the ruler of the tribe and the father of Chingiz-Khan's chief wife, Borte Fujin: Yesuliin's father and Borte were therefore first cousins. Rashid-ad-Din, however, goes on to say that after Yesuliin's death Chaghatai married her sister, whereas, according to Juvaini's account, she outlived her husband. 272 11691-325 11691 Ala Ad Din Ata Malik Juvaini - - THE WORLD-CONQUEROR of Chaghataf s widow. There was a poet called Sadid-i-A'var Sha'ir. One feast day he composed certain topical verses, which he dedicated to the Emir Habash *Amid: It has become clear to thee that this gloomy world is the snare of calamity; thou hast learnt that this world is a deceitful coquette. Of what avail were qmMs and ttkeitts 5 and valiant soldiers when Fate attacked and struck to right and fcfi ? He for fear of whom none entered water is drowned in an ocean that is exceeding vast. Chaghatai had many sons and grandsons; but his eldest son, Metiken, having been killed at Bamiyan and Qara * having been born at that time, Chingiz-Khan, and after him Qa*an and Chaghatai, had made him Chaghatai's heir and successor. [229] In accordance with this ruling, after Chaghatafs death, his wife Yesulun, Habash €Amid-al-Mulk and the Pillars of the State favoured his claim. But when Giiyiik Khan was raised to the Khanate, having a friendship for Yesii, who was Chaghatai's own son, he said: * Why should the grandson succeed when there is a son ? * Accordingly he set up Yesii in his father's kingdom and entrusted him with the direction of affairs of state. Now Yesii was constantly carousing; he was ignorant of sobriety and made intoxication a habit, drinking wine from morn till eve. When he became firmly established in the kingdom he grew angry with Habash 'Amid because of his having supported Qara; and he plotted against him. Now when Habash 'Amid first rose to power he had given his sons to the sons of Chaghatai and allotted each of them to one of the princes. Chaghatai, however, used to contrast them with Baha-ad-Din Marghinani on account of the latter's accomplishments and learning; and he appointed him to wait on Yesii. Because of the length of his service Baha-ad-Din also rose to power; he was entrusted with the office of vizier to Yesii, and Habash 'Amid was discarded. The imam Baha-ad-Din performed aU the ceremonies and courtesies of respect and several times restrained Yesii fiom 5Le. nightrguards. See above, p. 226, n. 53. eLe, Qara-Hiiegii. 273 11691-326 11691 Ala Ad Din Ata Malik Juvaini - - THE HISTORY OF carrying out the designs he had upon Habash 'Amid. However, there was an ancient grudge in the heart of the Emir Habash 'Amid, [230] and he was waiting for an opportunity to ease his breast thereof. Yesii continued to reign until Mengii Qa'an ascended the throne of the Khanate. Yesii opposed his accession, whereupon Mengii Qa*an settled the kingdom upon Qara by virtue of the earlier testament. He distinguished Qara with all kinds of favours and sent him home. Upon the way back the inevitable hour prevented him from reaching his ordu. Accordingly Mengii Qa'an settled the kingdom upon his son; and since the latter was as yet but a child, he placed the keys of government in the hands of Orqina,7 Qara's widow. When she returned to her ordu, Yesii also, by Batu's leave, shortly afterwards arrived home. To him also Fate gave no quarter.8 The Emir Habash eAmid and his son Nasir-ad-Din returned to power in the service of Orqina. And when Qara returned8 he delivered up Baha-ad-Din Marghinani to Habash *Amid together with his property and children [2^1] in order that he might wreak his vengeace on him. When Baha-ad-Din was seized and fastened in the two-pronged press he composed the following quatrain: Those that have tied up the bundle of their lives Have escaped from the toil and trouble of this world. My body broke because of my many sins. Therefore it was that they bound up this broken thing. 7 AWRQYNH. Spelt AWRQNH by Rashid-ad-Din (Blochet, lo^and HRTNH, ix. apparendy Horghina, by Vassaf (ed. Hammer-Purgstall, 28, Bombay ed., 14). The Organum of Rubruck, as was already pointed out by Yule, Cathay and the Way Tbttber, IV, 161, is the name of this princess transferred to the territory in which she resided. According to Rashid-ad-Din she was the sister of Buqa-Temor of the Oirat and therefore the grand-daughter of Chingiz-Khan by his second daughter Checheken. See Khetagurov, 119, Smimova, 70. 8 According to the more detailed account of Rashid-ad-Din (Blochet, 175 and 184-93), Orqina, the wife of Qara-Hulegu, after her husband had died on the homeward journey, put Yesii to death by the order of Mongke Qa'an and then for ten years ruled the ukf of Chaghatai in her husband's stead. (M.Q.) 9 This is inconsistent not only with the facts but with the author's own statement a few lines before. (M.Q.) 274 11691-327 11691 Ala Ad Din Ata Malik Juvaini - - THE WORLD-CONQUEROR And in order to sue for favour he sent this other quatrain also: 0 King, take what was my woof and warp; And if my life avail thee aught take that also. It is a life that has come to my lips and left my bosom. Of these two take whichever tfaou wilt. But when he saw that no stratagem would be of service and that humility and self-abasement were of no avail he composed the following two verses and sent them to Habash cAmid: 1 revelled with friend and foe, and then departed; I tucked the garment of life under my arm, and then departed. The hand of Fate gave me the pill that purges the spirit; I ottered a hundred effective curses on her pill,10 and then departed. Habash 'Amid ordered his men to roll him up in a piece of felt and crush his limbs and members in the way they beat felt. In the year 649/1251-2, when we were returning from the ordu of Ghaimish, I went to the Court of Yesii in the train of the Emir Arghun. When I paid my respects to the imam Baha-ad-Din, he first recited the following vase before uttering anything else: When the generous wan is generous, be is generous by Umselj; lout when the son of the generous man is generous, he mikes them both generous. [232] And he distinguished me with the glance of honour and respect. Baha-ad-Din united lofty descent with noble attainments, for on his father's side he was hereditary sbaikb-al-Islam of Farghana, while on his mother's side he was related to Toghan Khan,11 who was the khan and ruler of that country; and as for his noble attainments, he joined to the lofty rank of vizier to which he had risen the nobility of every kind of spiritual and temporal knowledge. Of a truth, I found his presence the meeting-place 10 I.e. habb-ash, which can also be read Habash. 11 On Toghan Khan, the Qara-Khamd ruler of Kashghar, who died in 408/1017-18, see Barthold, Turkestan, 274-5 and 279-82. x 275 11691-328 11691 Ala Ad Din Ata Malik Juvaini - - THE HISTORY OF THE WORLD-CONQUEROR of all the savants in the world and the resort of the sadrs of the horizons. Whoever had a capital of the goods of learning (for which there is no sale) always found a market for his wares with Baha-ad-Din and was relieved by his mercy and compassion. It would take long to relate his accomplishments and virtues, but there is neither rime nor space to record them. And what person of merit hath Fate reared up whom she hath not cast down again ? To what cypress hath she given loftiness which she did not bend again with sorrow ? O Tim, why dost tbou all thy life tend the gardens of nolle deeds, loth shoots and luxuriant plants ? O Time, what bast tbou to do with the nolle ones that sit in the bigbest places ? What barm wouU it do tbee if tbou left owe nolle man ?12 The Emir Baha-ad-Din was survived by sons and small infants, and Habash cAmid wished to send all his male children after their father. 12 Abul-Faraj b. Abu-Hasin, the cadi of Aleppo. (M.Q.) 2,76 11691-329 11691 Ala Ad Din Ata Malik Juvaini - - In the name of God Almighty! THE SECOND PART OF JUVAINI'S HISTORY OF THE WORLD-CONQUEROR ra OF THE ORIGIN OF THE DYNASTY OF THE SULTANS OF KHORAZM (MAY GOD MAKE BRIGHT THEIR EXAMPLE /) IT is recorded in the Maskarib-at-Tajarib l of Ibn-Funduq al-Baihaqi, which is the continuation of the Tajarib-al-Umam,* and is likewise mentioned in the historical section of Razi's Jawami-al-*Ulum? which latter work was written for Sultan Tekish, that a certain Bilge-Tegin 4 was one of the principal officials of the House of Seljuq, just as under the Samanids Alp-Tegin5 was Army Commander of Khorasan. This Bilge-Tegin purchased from Gharchistan6 a Turkish slave [2] called Nush-Tegin Gharcha, who by dint of Intelligence and sagacity gradually attained to greatness of rank, until he became an important official in the House of Seljuq, just as Sebuk-Tegin7 in the 1 On the MMharik-at-Tajirik wa-Gbammb^J-Gkir3t& of Abul-Hasan *AK b. Zaid of Baihaq see Barthold, Turkestan, 31. 2 TajMt-d-Umm (* Experiences of the Nations *) is the tide of a celebrated historical work by Abu-*AH Ahmad b. Muhammad Mislcawaih. See Barthold, of. cit., 31-2. 3 The Jawam^ctl^Ulum was the name of an encyclopedia compiled by the famous theologian Fakhr-ad-Din Abu^Abdallah b. Muhammad b. ^mar ar-Razi. 4In Turkish 'Wise Lord*. 5 Alp-Tegin (* Brave Lord') was the founder of the Ghaznavid dynasty. 6 The mountainous region of Gharchistan ky to the east of Badghis along the Upper Murghab. It corresponds to the modern Kruzkuh. 7' Beloved Lord * from the Turkish seMk (sevtik) * beloved' and frjm ' lord *. See Pelliot, Notes m h " Turkestan" de M. W. BtrtboU, 16. Sebuk-Tegin (976-97), the slave, son-in-kw and successor of Alp-Tegin, was the father of the celebrated Sultan Mahmud (998-1030). 277 11691-330 11691 Ala Ad Din Ata Malik Juvaini - - THE HISTORY OF latter days of the Samanids, and received the title of Basin-Holder (tasbt-4ar).* Now in those days the expenses of this office were met by the revenues of Khorazm, just as the expenses of the Wardrobe were paid from the revenues of Khuzistan. Nush-Tegin, in consequence, was given the title ofsbahna of Khorazm. Several sons were born to him, the eldest of whom, Qutb-ad-Din Muhammad, he put to school at Merv in order that he might learn the etiquette and ceremonial of leadership and command. At that time Berk-Yaruq 9 son of Malik-Shah had conferred the absolute viceroyalty of all his empire upon Dadbeg Habashi son of Altun-Taq, the Emir of Khorasan, in whose praise many poems were composed by the poets of the age, his official panegyrist being Abul-Ma'ali Nahhas of Ray. Dadbeg Habashi now [3] transferred the office of Khorazm-Shah from Ekinchi son of Qochqar10 Khorazm-Shah, a slave of Sanjar, to Qutb-ad-Din Muhammad, conferring that title upon him in the year 491/1097-8. From thence onward Qutb-ad-Din on many occasions distinguished himself in the service of the Seljuqs, as will be found recorded in works of history. For thirty years he ruled Khorazm in ease and contentment, one year coming in person to attend at Sanjar's court and the next year sending his son Atsiz n in his place, and so he continued until his death. In 522/1128 he was succeeded by his son Atsiz. Atsiz is renowned for his virtues and accomplishments; he is the author of many Persian poems and quatrains. In courage and bravery [4] he dwarfed all his peers and equals; he won many victories in the service of Sultan Sanjar and was constant in the fulfilment of his duties as a vassal; whereof one example is the following: In the year 524/1129-30 Sultan Sanjar had passed into Tran- 8 According to Barthold, op. dt.f 323, * the superintendent of the royal washing utensils". The tasht-iar was the servant in charge of the wash-basin (tashf) and ewer offered after meals, etc. 9 1094-1104. His name means 'Strong Brightness*. 10Ekinchi, i.e. 'the Sower*. See Houtsma, Glomr, 31. qocbqur is the Turkish for * ram'. On Ekinchi as an authority on the great migration of Turkish tribes in the nth century see Minorsky, M&rvazt, 101 and 104. 11'Horseless/ 278 11691-331 11691 Ala Ad Din Ata Malik Juvaini - - THE WORLD-CONQUEROR soxlana to quell the rebellion of Tamghach-Khan " and upon arriving in Bokhara had gone one day to his hunting grounds; where a number of slaves and domestics, who had but recently been enlisted in his service, had plotted to waylay the Sultan and make an end of him. Atsiz, who had not gone hunting that day, awoke at noon from his sleep, called for a horse and hurried off to join the Sultan. When he arrived, the Sultan, surrounded by that rabble, was indeed in an evil case and fallen into a desperate strait. Atsiz at once charged down upon those wretches and rescued the Sultan. The latter asked him how he had become aware of his plight, and he replied: * I dreamt that an accident had befallen the Sultan in the hunting grounds, and I at once hastened to his side.* On account of this display of loyalty the affairs of Atsiz prospered; his power and prestige increased daily, and the Sultan was ever conferring fresh honours and favours upon him. He became in consequence an object of envy to the other mattks and emirs, and because of their jealousy they plotted against him and made attempts on his life. From Zul-Qa'da of the year 529 [August-September, 1135] when the Sultan marched against Ghazna to crush the rebellion of Bahram-Shah 1S until Shawal of the next year [July-August, 1136] when he arrived in Balkh, Atsiz was ever in attendance on him. In the course of these journeyings he had become aware of the intrigues of those envious emirs and of the ill-will they bore him, and was also apprehensive regarding the Sultan himself. He obtained leave to return home; and as he was departing the Sultan remarked to his courtiers: * There goes the back of one whose face we shall not see again/ They answered: * If Your Majesty 12 This was the Qara-Khanid ruler Arslan-Khan Muhammad b. Sukiman (1102-30), on whom see Barthold, op. tit., 319-21. That he was also known as Tamghach-Khan is confirmed by 'Aufi and the author of the JCi"j^-/-Mwte-Zafa. (Jtefv 319, n. 2.) On this Qara-Khanid title ('Emperor of China') see Barthold, of, at., 304, Histoire des Turn, 77-8. The Tamghach or rather Tabghach (Tavghach), in Chinese TVpa, were a Turkish or proto-Mongol people who founded the Chinese dynasty of the Wei (436-557) and whose name became synonymous with Northern China. See Grousset, L'Etnpire fas Steppes, 103-9, Hamfais, La Hwte-Ask, 29-31, Gabain, 2. 13 The Ghaznavid (u 18-52). 279 11691-332 11691 Ala Ad Din Ata Malik Juvaini - - THE HISTORY OF is certain of this, why then did he obtain leave to return home and receive such kindness ? * [5] And he replied: * The services he has rendered us have placed us under a great obligation to him: to harm him would be contrary to our tenets of generosity and clemency/ Amving in Khorazm Atsiz entered upon the path of froward-ness and rebellion, and day by day the ill-will increased on either side and finally reached such a pitch that in Muharram of the year 553 [September-October, 1138] Sultan Sanjar marched into Khorazm to do him battle. The Khorazm-Shah got together an army to oppose that of the Sultan and even set it in fighting array; and then, without making any attempt to offer battle, realizing he could place little confidence in his troops, he sought safety in flight. His son Atligh was taken prisoner and brought before the Sultan, who gave orders that he should be immediately cut in hal£ Sanjar then conferred the kingdom of Khorazm upon his nephew Sulaiman b. Muhammad and returned to Khorasan; whereupon Atsiz re-entered Khorazm and Sultan Sulaiman fled before him and returned to Sanjar. And Atsiz continued in the path of frowardness and rebellion until the year 536/1141-2, when Sanjar was defeated in the battle against Khitaiu at the gates of Samarqand and came fleeing to Balkh (the story is well known): Atsiz then seized his opportunity and marched against Merv, looting the city and making great slaughter of the inhabitants. Thereafter he returned to Khorazm. Here we reproduce a letter from the correspondence which passed between the hakim Hasan Qattan [6] and Rashid-ad-Din Vatvat concerning the books that were lost from the former's library during the pillaging of Merv and which he suspected Vatvat of having appropriated: f It has reached my ear from the mouths of those that arrive in Khorazm and from the tongues of those that journey hither that Your Honour (may God perpetuate bis excellence!), when he is not busy with his private affairs or occupied with Us lectures, doth proceed in his assemblies to speak evil of me and to abuse and defame me at great length. And 14I.e. Qara-Khitai. See above, p. 44, n. 2. 2SO 11691-333 11691 Ala Ad Din Ata Malik Juvaini - - THE WORLD-CONQUEROR be accuseth me of plundering his library and exceeded) himself in down the mis and coverings of generosity. Doth this and humanity, is it in accordance with generosity and manliness that shouldst fabricate concerning a brother Moslem so disturbing a lie and so painful a calumny ? By God, when the trumpet shall be Mown upon the Day of Resurrection, and when these rotten bones shall fa dispatched from the tomb to fa clad in the raiment of th Second Life ; when the servants of God shall fa gathered together at the stations of the plains, and when the leaves of mens deeds shall be scattered upon their doers; whm every soul shall fa asked concerning that it hath gained—both that of the sinner who shall fa dragged face downward into hellfire and that of the righteous man who shall fa borne on the shoulders of the angels into Paradise: none shall in that dreadful place lay hold of my skirt seeking of me property that I seized, or wealth that I pillaged, or blood that 1 shed, or a veil that I rent away, or a man that I slew, or a right that I denied. For, behold, God hath placed me by lawful means in the way of [7] a thousand volumes of choice books and noble treatises, and 1 have bequeathed them all to the libraries that bavi been founded in the countries of Islam, that the Moslems might profit by them. And whoever holdeth such tenets, bow could bejind ft in bis heart to rob the books of a learned imam that hath expended the whole of his life in gathering together a few paltry leaves such as, were tbey sold with their leather bindings, would not fetch tfa price of a miser's dinner ? Of a truth, let Your Honour fear God, let him not—may God perpetuate his excellence!—be guilty of fabricating a lie against tfa like of me, and let him not commit a sin that will cleave to his skirts on the Day of Judgement. Let him fear Godf than Whom there is no other god, and let him think of the day when the truthteller shall be rewarded for his truthtelling and the liar punished for bis lying. Farewell! * Because of this weakening of the Sultan s position vainglory waxed great in the brain of Atsiz. Rashid Vatvat has a qasida on this subject, of which the following is the opening line: King Atsiz ascended the throne of the kingdom: the luck of Sdjuq and his family came to an end. And he has other qasidas in the same strain. Sultan Sanjar, in order to take vengeance for this shameful 281 11691-334 11691 Ala Ad Din Ata Malik Juvaini - - THE HISTORY OF act, set out for Khorazm to make war on him in the year 538/1143-4; and hairing at the gates of the town he set up his mangonels and unfurled the standard of battle. But when the moment was at hand when Khorazm should have been conquered and the weal of Atsiz changed to woe, he dispatched gifts and presents to the emirs of the Court and sought the Sultan's pardon [8] and courted his favour. The Sultan was mollified and turned back along the path of peace and reconciliation, whereupon Atsiz raised the head of rebellion in his wonted manner. The Sultan then sent Adib Sabir upon a mission to him and Adib remained for some time in Khorazm. Meanwhile, Atsiz had suborned two Khorazmian ruffians of the sect of the Heresy,15 buying their souls and paying the price, and had sent them to slay the Sultan unawares. Adib Sabir learnt of this circumstance, and he wrote a description of the two men and sent it to Merv in the leg of an old woman's boot. When the letter reached Sanjar he ordered a search to be made for the men; and they were discovered in a tavern and dispatched unto hellfire. When Atsiz learnt of this he flung Adib Sabir into the Oxus. In Jumada II, 542 [October-November, 1147], the Sultan again attacked Khorazm; and first he besieged for two months the small town of Hazar-Asf,16 which in the present age was submerged after [the passage of] the Mongol army. Anvari, who was in attendance on Sanjar in this campaign, wrote the following quatrain upon an arrow, which he let fly into Hazar-Asf: O king, all the empire of the earth is accounted thine; By fortune and good luck the world is thy acquisition: Take Hazar-Asf17 to-day with a single assault, And to-morrow Khorazm and a hundred thousand horses shall be thine. Vatvat, who was in Hazar-As£ wrote the following lines upon the arrow and shot it back: 15 I.e. the heresy (tlkat) of the Isma'ilis. See above, p. 256, n. 28. 16 Or Hazar-Asp, as it is called to this day. 17 Or * a thousand horses *, the literal meaning of Hazar-Asp, from the Persian bazar * thousand' and asp (as$) * horse'. 282 11691-335 11691 Ala Ad Din Ata Malik Juvaini - - THE WORLD-CONQUEROR If thine enemy, O king, were the hero Rustam himself. He could not cany forth a single ass from thy thousand hones. [9] After much toil and countless trouble the Sultan finally took Hazar-Asf. And because of the verse previously mentioned and the lines quoted above and other similar poems he was greatly wroth with Vatvat and had sworn that when he was found his seven limbs should be torn asunder. Accordingly he made great efforts to trace him issuing proclamation after proclamation. Meanwhile Vatvat [lay hidden] all night on a roof-top and all day in a riverbed.18 Then, realizing that flight would avail him nothing, he secretly approached the king's ministers, but none of them, seeing the Sultan's wrath, would undertake to intercede on his behalf. By virtue of their common profession he then sought refuge with the uncle of the great-grandfather of the author of these lines, Muntajab-ad-Din Badic al-Katib (may God water tfa surface of bis gmvt with the clouds of His sanctity!). Muntajab-ad-Din, since he united the office of scribe with that of courtier, was accustomed to approach the Sultan at the time of the morning prayer before the dignitaries of the Divan came in, and after the performance of the prayer he would begin to give advice and would relate some merry tale suitable to the occasion after the serious business was over; and the Sultan used to consult him about the secrets of the kingdom. To be brief, the conversation gradually came round to Rashid Vatvat and Muntajab-ad-Din rose to his feet and said: * I have a request if Your Majesty will grant it/ The Sultan having promised to do so, Muntajab-ad-Din went on: * Vatvat is bet a puny little bird;19 [10] he will not bear being divided into seven pieces. If Your Majesty so command, let him be simply cut in two/ Whereupon the Sultan laughed and spared Vatvat's life. When the Sultan reached the gates of Khorazm, an ascetic called Zahid-i-Ahu-Push,20 whose food and clothing was the flesh and hide of the deer, presented himself before Sanjar and 18Not to be taken literally: vatv% (watwat) in Arabic means "swallow or 'swift*. 19 Cf. the preceding note. 20 Le. * the hermit clad in deerskins'. 283 11691-336 11691 Ala Ad Din Ata Malik Juvaini - - THE HISTORY OF after delivering a goodly sermon interceded for the people of the town. Atsiz too sent messengers bearing gifts and presents and offering excuses. The Sultan, who was clemency and forgiveness personified, pardoned his faults for the third time, and it was arranged that Atsiz should come to the banks of the Oxus and make obeisance to him. On Monday the I2th of Muhar-ram» 543 [2nd of June, 1148], Atsiz came and made obeisance on horseback; and then rode off before the Sultan could turn rein. Though Sanjar was incensed at this lack of respect, yet since he had already pardoned him he swallowed his anger as best he could and said nothing. And at once he was distinguished with the excellence of the verse: ' And who master their anger and forgive others,921 for f God loveib the doers of good!21 And when the Sultan reached Khorasan he dispatched messengers and distinguished Atsiz with donatives and gratuities. Atsiz for his part received the messengers with every respect and sent them back with many gifts and presents. Hereafter Atsiz went on several campaigns against the infidels22 and gained the victory over them. At that time the ruler of Jand was Kamal-ad-Din,23 the son of Arslan-Khan Mahmud, and there was great friendship between them. When Atsiz had conquered most of that region he set out in Muharram, 547 [April-May, 1152], for Suqnaq and the other territories [beyond] intending to proceed thither together with Kamal-ad-Din. He had reached the neighbourhood of Jand when Kamal-ad-Din took fright and fled with his army to [n] Rudbar.24 When Atsiz learnt of his alarm and flight, he sent a number of the notables and chief men to reassure him with promises and safeguards. Kamal-ad-Din came to join him, and he ordered him to be put in chains, in which he remained until his death. Kamal-ad-Din had been on terms of friendship and affection with Rashid Vatvat, and Atsiz was now given to understand that Vatvat had been aware of Kamal-ad-Din's attitude. For 21 Koran, iii, 128. 22I.e. the heathen Turks. 23 Apparently a Qara-Khanid. See Barthold, Turkestan, 328. 24 Perhaps the Rudbar in the province of Shash (the present-day Tashkent). See Barthold, op. cit.t 174, n. 3. 284 11691-337 11691 Ala Ad Din Ata Malik Juvaini - - THE WORLD-CONQUEROR this reason he dismissed him from his service for a while. Vatvat has both qasidas and qifas on this subject. The following are two or three verses from such a qifa: O king, when Destiny saw that the hand of thy magnificence was no longer laid on my head, she ground my body tinder the foot of oppression. Without the fairness of thy favour and the goodness of thy grace, the World decreased my comfort and Destiny increased my pain. Look upon me with greater kindness, for should aught Wall me, then, by God, Destiny will show no other like unto me. And here are some verses from another: For thirty years thy servant did sing thy praises in the shoe-rank,25 and thou didst call for those praises from thy throne. The Lord of the [Heavenly] Throne knoweth that never did there stand in any court such a singer of praises as thy servant, Now thy heart hath grown weary of him that was thy servant for thirty years: weariness indeth its way into thy heart because of the length of time,. But the proverb says: * When the master is annoyed he findeth fault *—and yet thy wretched servant is blameless. [12] And when Jand was purged of rebels Atsiz dispatched Abul-Fath Il-Arslan26 thither and set him over that region. And it was in this year that the Ghuzz host (hasbam) was victorious and took Sultan Sanjar prisoner, setting him by day upon a royal throne and keeping him at night in an iron cage.27 Desirous of seizing the kingdom but giving as his pretext that 25'The "shoe-rank" (Saffun-nMl in Arabic, pd-m&cUn in Persian) is the pkce by the door where those who enter kick off their shoes, and where servants and humble visitors take their stand/ (Browne, A Literary History of Persia, II, 332, n. I,) 26 His son and successor. 27 qafas-i-abcM. The cage would appear to have been a real one, unlike that in which the Ottoman Sultan Bayezid was said to have been imprisoned by Tamerlane. The story of this latter cage, * so long and so often repeated as a moral lesson', was already in Gibbon's day * rejected as a fable by the modern writers, who smile at the vulgar credulity*. See Gibbon, VII, 60 and n. 53. 285 11691-338 11691 Ala Ad Din Ata Malik Juvaini - - THE HISTORY OF he was fulfilling his obligations to his benefactor, Atsiz set out for Amuya with all his following and troops. He advanced very slowly and upon reaching Amuya endeavoured to possess himself of the castle by diplomacy. However, the governor refused to listen to him, and he sent a message to Sultan Sanjar to make professions of fealty and loyalty and to crave the castle of Amuya. The Sultan sent the following reply: * We begrudge thee not the castle, but first send Il-Arslan with an army to our assistance, and then we shall grant thee the castle of Amuya and the double thereof/ Emissaries passed twice or thrice between them with question and answer, but finally, in the face of this refusal, Atsiz turned back and went to Khorazm, from whence he again prepared a foray against the infidel. At this juncture Rukn-ad-Din Mahmud b. Muhammad Boghra-Khan,28 the nephew of Sultan Sanjar, to whom the army had sworn allegiance and whom they had set on the throne of the Sultanate as Sanjar's successor, bethought himself of his former friendship with Atsiz and sent a messenger from Khorasan to seek his assistance in quenching the flame of the Ghuzz. The Khorazm-Shah accordingly set out for Shahristana taking Il-Arslan with him and leaving another son, Khitai-Khan,29 in Khorazm as regent. Upon reaching Shahristana he summoned the emirs of that region in order to restore order to a kingdom that had been lost and to affairs that had become distraught. Meanwhile news [13] arrived that the Emir 'Imad-ad-Din Ahmad b. Abu-Bakr Qamaj had dispatched a thousand horsemen and carried off Sultan Sanjar from the hunting field bearing him to Tirmiz. Nobles and commoners rejoiced and made merry; and the Khorazm-Shah halted in Nisa to wait for Mahmud Khan and the other emirs. These now regretted both his coming and their having sent for him. However they dispatched *Aziz-ad-Din Tughra'i and concluded a treaty with 28 The son of Arslan-Khan, on whom see above, p. 2,79, n. 12. His father is here wrongly given the title of Boghra-Khan, probably on account of a confusion with his uncle Abul-MuzarTar Tamghadi-Boghra-Khan Ibrahim. Mahmud Khan had abandoned his territories in Transoxiana after the defeat of Sanjar by the gur-^ban. See Barthold, ep. dt.f 322 and 326. 29 Cf. the Qara-Khanid title of Tamghach-Khan. See above, p. 279, n. 12. 286 11691-339 11691 Ala Ad Din Ata Malik Juvaini - - THE WORLD-CONQUEROR him. He then departed and went to Khabushan of Ustuva, whither came Khaqan Rukn-ad-Din from Nishapur. They met and trod together the pathway of friendship, remaining in each other's company for three months striving to repair the rain of the kingdom. One day the Khorazm-Shah held a feast to which he invited Khaqan Rukn-ad-Din. The following is a verse in their praise from a qasida of Vatvat: They are united like two auspicious stars in one 3hoosc» two monarchs in one happy court. After this the Khorazm-Shah fell ill. One day in the midst of his illness there reached him the sound of someone reciting the Koran. Thinking to take an augury he listened intently and bade his courtiers be silent. The reader had reached the following verse: ' Neither knomth any soul in which land it shall dk! m He took this as an evil omen; his illness grew worse; and on the night of the 9th of Jumada II, 551 [soth of July, 1156], he passed away and the pride of haughtiness and arrogance went out of his head. [14] Rashid-ad-Din Vatvat wept over his body and pointing to it said: * O King, Heaven trembled at thy severity, it laboured like a slave before thee. Where is there a man of discernment to consider whether all thy kingdom was worth but this ? * After four days had passed his death was made known and Il-Arslan set out for Khorazm; and on his journey thither all the emirs and soldiers swore allegiance to him. He imprisoned his younger brother, Sulaiman-Shah, on whose brow he had observed the signs of rebellion, and executed Oghul-Beg, his ataleg. And on the 3rd of Rajab of the same year [22nd of August, 1156] he ascended the throne of the Khorazm-Shahs; whereupon he arrested some that harboured thoughts of ill-will and granted the emirs and soldiers more pay and larger fiefs than they had had in his father's day; he likewise bestowed many charities. Rukn-ad-Din Mahmud Khan sent envoys to 80 Koran, xxxi, 34. 28? 11691-340 11691 Ala Ad Din Ata Malik Juvaini - - THE HISTORY OF congratulate him on his accession and to condole with him on his father's death. And when news- came that on the 6th of Rabf I9 552 [8th of May, 1157], Sultan Sanjar had passed into the nearness of God, the people of Khorazm sat down in mourning for three days. And in the year 553/1* 58-9 some of the chiefs of the Qarlugh that dwelt in Khorazm, under the leadership of Lachin Beg and the sons of Bighu Khan31 and others like them, fled from the Khan of Samarqand, Jalal-ad-Din *Ali b. al-Husain 32 known as Kok~Saghir,33 and came to Khorazm saying that Jalal-ad-Din had slain Bighu Khan, who was the leader of the Qarlugh, and had designs upon the leaders. The Khorazm-Shah II-Arslan [15] gave them encouragement and in Jumada II of the same year [July, 1158] set out for Transoxiana. When the Khan of Samarqand received the report of his approach he sought refuge in the citadel and took with him into Samarqand all the nomad Turcomans that lived between Qara-Kol and Jand. He appealed to the Qara-Khitai for help and they sent Ilig Turkmen34 to the rescue with ten thousand horse. Meanwhile the Khorazm-Shah, having encouraged the people of Bokhara with promises, set out from thence for Samarqand. The Khan of Samarqand, for his part, drew up his forces, and the two armies halted on either side of the Sughd River, the 31BYTW. Barthold, op. cit, 333, reads this name Payghu but suggests the reading Yabghu. (yd%jb was the title of the ancient rulers of the Qarluq. See HuSH, 97.) On the other hand, Pelliot, op. dt>> 16, prefers to see in it the Turkish word tight, *nom d'un oiseau de proie assez analogue au faucon*. Cf. the name of the other Qarluq leader Lachin, i.e. * the Falcon *, 22 His father's name was actually Hasan—QIlch-Tamghach-Klhan Abul-Ma'ali Hasan b. *AM k al-Mu*inin, also known as Hasan Tegin. See Barthold, op. dt.a 322 and 333- 8SKWKSArR. Perhaps'Blue Ox'. C£ the form sqjtir in Houtsma, Glossw, 8i» for the normal sigbtr' ox *. He also bore the tide of Chaghri-Khan. See Barthold, op* rft/333 and n. 5. cbagbri according to Kashghari was one of the innumerable Turkish words for * hawk * or " falcon *. 34AYLK TEJOLAN, i.e. apparently Dig the Turcoman. Barthold, op. dt, 333, n. 10, suggests that this was perhaps the former ruler of Baksaqun, on whom see below, p. 355 and n. 7. % is an Old Turkish word for 'king*. See Pelliot, op. tit., 16. 11691-341 11691 Ala Ad Din Ata Malik Juvaini - - THE WORLD-CONQUEROR young men attacking each other in skirmishes. But when Ilig Turkmen saw the Khorazm-Shah and his army he began to humble and abase himself, and the imams and ulema of Samarqand engaged in intercession and supplication and sued for peace. The Khorazm-Shah acceded to their prayers and having restored the Qarlugh emirs to their posts with full honours he returned to Khorazm. Now after the death of the Sultan, Mahmud Khan had ascended the throne, but because of the Ghuzz and the victories of Mu'ayyid Ai-Aba,*5 who had been ngbulam** at Sanjar*s court [i6], where he was distinguished above the other gbilams for his horsemanship and skill in racing, the affairs of Khorasan were confused and distraught. And in Ramazan, 557 [August-September, 1162] Mu'ayyid Ai-Aba took Sultan Mahmud out of the inner city of Nishapur and blinded him; and he died in the castle in which he had been imprisoned. And in the year 558/1162-3 the Khorazm-Shah set out for Shadyakh with a numerous army and a mighty host; and for a while he besieged Ai-Aba there, till envoys passed between them, and they made peace, and he returned to Khorazm. And in the year 566/1170-1 the armies (Ipasbam) of Khitai and Transoxiana gathered in great numbers to attack him. Upon receiving tidings hereof he made ready for batde and sent 'Ayyar Beg, his commander-in-chief, who was o0e of the Qarlugh of Transoxiana, on [17] in advance to Amuya. Before the Khorazm-Shah's arrival the armies had already joined battle: cAyyar Beg's army was put to flight, and he himself was taken prisoner. Il-Arslan fell ill and returning to Khorazm he died upon the ipth of Rajab of the same year [8th of August, 1170]. His younger son, Sultan-Shah, who was his heir apparent, ascended the throne of Khorazm in succession to his father; and his mother, Queen Terken, administered the kingdom. His elder brother, Tekish, was then in Jand, A messenger was sent to summon him but he refused to come. An army was then 36 On the name see above, p. 148, n. 26. 36 On the career oftkegMam ('slave') as a member of the sovereign's personal guard see Barthold, $$, dt} Z2j. 289 11691-342 11691 Ala Ad Din Ata Malik Juvaini - - THE HISTORY OF fitted out to attack him, and upon receiving tidings of this he fled and betook himself to the daughter of the Khan of Khans of Qara-Khitai, who at that time herself bore the title of Khan,37 the affairs of the kingdom being administered by her husband, Fuma.s8 When he had come to them Tekish promised them all the treasures and wealth of Khorazm and undertook, once the country was subjugated, to send a yearly tribute. Fuma was accordingly dispatched to accompany Tekish with a numerous army. When they drew near to Khorazm, Sultan-Shah and his mother, rather than fight and do battle, took the straight road before them and joined the malik Mu'ayyid; and on Monday the 22nd of [18] Rabi* I, 568 [Monday the nth of December, 1172], Tekish entered Khorazm and ascended the throne of the Khorazm-Shahs. Each of the poets and orators composed congratulatory speeches and poems. Rashid-ad-Din Vatvat, who had passed his eightieth year in the service of his ancestors, was brought before Tekish on a litter. * Everyone/ he said, * has composed his congratulations in accordance with his fancy and talent. But as for thy servant, because of the weakness of my constitution and the greatness of my age my strength is unequal to the task. I must confine myself to a single quatrain that I have composed for luck's sake: Thy grandsire washed tyranny off the page of the world; Thy father's justice repaired whate'er was broken; O thou, whom the cloak of the Sultanate exactly fits, Come, let us see what thou canst do for 'tis thy turn to rule.* And Tekish performed the rites of justice and equity and having fulfilled his obligations to Fuma sent him back with all honour and respect. As for the mother of Sultan-Shah she sent the malik Mu'ayyid presents consisting of precious jewels and all kinds of treasures 37 This was P'u-su-wan, the Empress Ch'eng-t'ien (1164-77). She was the sister of the late Khan, the Emperor Yi-lieh (1151-63), and the daughter of the original gtir-khan, Yeh-lii Ta-shih (1124-43). See Wittfogel and Feng, History of Chinese Society: Lho, 621 and 644. 38 Reading FWMA with Barthold for the FRMA of the text. Fuma is really a title, the Chinese fo-m * imperial son-in-law'. See Barthold, op. tit, 337 and n. 3, Wittfogel and Feng, op. dt., 665 and 670. 290 11691-343 11691 Ala Ad Din Ata Malik Juvaini - - THE WORLD-CONQUEROR and offered him the kingdom of Khorazm and all its territory* boasting of the attachment of the people and the army to mother and son. In the end the malik Mu'ayyid was deluded by words, and the Satanish whisperings of his lost for land and wealth led him far astray from the path of righteousness. He collected his scattered forces and set out for Khorazm with Sultan-Shah and his mother. When they reached Suburai8i [19] a town which is now submerged in the river, Mu*ayyid*s army being unable to cross the desert in one body, they proceeded in detachments not knowing that the Khorazm-Shah himself had halted in Suburni. The malik Mu'ayyid was in the van. When he reached Suburni Tekish fell upon his detachment, slew the greater part of them and took Mu'ayyid himself prisoner. He was brought before him and was cut in half at the door of his tent. This event fell out on the ninth of Zul-Hijja, 569 [nth of July, 1174]. Meanwhile Sultan-Shah and his mother fled to Dihistan.1* Tekish followed them thither and Dihistan surrendered to him: he put Sultan-Shah's mother to death and returned home. Sultan-Shah fled from thence and made his way to Shadyafch, where Toghan-Shah, the son of the malik Mu'ayyid, had taken up residence in succession to his father. He remained some time in Nishapur, but Toghan-Shah being unable to assist him with men or money he went from thence to join the Sultans of Ghur 41 and laid hold of the skirt of appeal to them: they welcomed him with the kindnesses that are shown to such guests. 39 The text has SWBRLY. There are many variant spellings. According to Yaqut it was the last place in Khorazm on the road to Shahristan (i.e. to Khorasan). See Barthold, op. dL, 153 and 337, n. 5. 40 Dihistan was the name of a district north of the Atrek on the eastern shores of the Caspian, in what is now Turkmenistan. * Dihistan undoubtedly echoes the name of the ancient nomad people Adai Dabae one of whose branches were the Aparnoi; from the latter arose the family of the future Parthian rulers. . . / (Minorsky, Hudud, 386.) 41 I.e. Ghiyas-ad-Din Muhammad and his younger brother Shihab-ad-Din (Muhammad Ghur). On the Sultans of Ghur (the Ghurids or Ghorids) see Barthold, op. dt.f 338-9, Lane-Poole, Tbe Mobetmmadan Dywstks, 291-4. * The name of Ghur was borne by the mountain region situated to the east and southeast of Herat and south of Gharjistan and Guzgan; the dialect of these mountaineers differed materially from that of Khurasan/ (Barthold, op. dt.f 338.) Y 291 11691-344 11691 Ala Ad Din Ata Malik Juvaini - - THE HISTORY OF As for Sultan Tekish, he had completed the restoration of order in Khorazm and the affairs of the kingdom were in good trim* Meanwhile the envoys of Khitai were continually passing to and fro, and their constant impositions and demands were beyond endurance, and moreover they did not observe the conventions of courtesy. Now the nobility of the soul necessarily refuses to tolerate oppression and will not bear to accept tyranny. f The nature of a free soul is filed with pride! He caused one of the notables of Khitai, who had come upon an embassy, to be put to death on account of his unseemly behaviour; and there was an exchange of abuse between Tekish and the people of KhitaL When Sultan-Shah learnt of this estrangement between them he rejoiced and considered it a sign [20] of his own good fortune. The Khitayans, in order to despite Tekish, summoned him to them; and at his request Sultan Ghiyas-ad-Din dispatched him thither with ample gear and equipment. When he left Ghiyas-al-Din the latter turned to his emirs and said: * It has occurred to me that this man would have stirred up sedition in Khorasan and must needs have caused us much toil and trouble. Perchance this was a divine inspiration/ Upon arriving in Khitai Sultan-Shah spoke of his popularity with the people of Khorazm and with the army, and they sent Fuma to assist him with a large army. When they reached the neighbourhood of Khorazm Tekish flooded the way of passage with the waters of the Oxus; and on this account they were unable to move to and fro. The Sultan then made ready for battle within the town and disposed his thrusting and striking weapons. Fuma halted at the gates, and seeing of Sultan-Shah's popularity with that people no sign save strife and contention he repented of his precipitance and made ready to return home. Sultan-Shah perceived that no good would come of the attack on Khorazm, and knowing of no other means of escape he asked Fuma to send a detachment of his army to escort him to Sarakhs. Fuma granted his request, and he fell upon Sarakhs and attacked Malik Dinar, who was one of the Ghuzz emirs. Most of the defenders he made fodder of the sword, and Malik 292 11691-345 11691 Ala Ad Din Ata Malik Juvaini - - THE WORLD-CONQUEROR Dinar himself he herled into the castle moat. He was pulled out of the water by the hair by those inside the castle, in which the remainder of the Ghuzz now sought refuge. Sultan-Shah then set out for Merv, where he took up his abode, sending back the army of KhitaL And he made constant attacks upon Sarakhs until most of the Ghuzz had been scattered. [21] As for Malik Dinar, finding himself powerless in the fortress, for most of his men had deserted him, and he was left like a bad dinar at the bottom of the purse, he sent a message to Toghan-Shah to ask for Bistam in place of Sarakhs. Toghan-Shah granted his request and sent the Emir eUmar of Firazkuh 43 to Sarakhs to take over the castle from him; and Malik Dinar departed to Bistam.43 When Sultan Tekish came to Jajarm from Khorazm on his way to Iraq Malik Dinar abandoned his dinars and his fief and went to join Toghan-Shah. The latter then recalled 'Umar of Firuzkuh from Sarakhs and sent in his stead the Emir Qara-Qush, who was one of his father's glwlams. Meanwhile, Sultan-Shah made ready to attack Sarakhs with less than three thousand men and sought an opportunity to break and violate his covenant and agreement. Toghan-Shah, for his part, set out fiom Nishapur with ten thousand men fully equipped with money and supplies and marched against Sarakhs intent on battle. In Asiya-yi-Hafs on Wednesday the 22nd of Zul-Hiya, 576 [i3th of May, 1181], the millstone (asiya) of war began to turn, and the warriors entered the field from either side; and aier much strife and carnage the shock of the onslaught of Sukan-Shah's army was the bane and ruin of Toghan-Shah; [22] and by the might of God Sultan-Shah triumphed and much wealth and property found its way as booty into his treasury, including amongst other things three hundred backgammon boards. Sultan-Shah now made himself master of Sarakhs and Tus and all that region, and the star of his fortune rose again after setting. And being, unlike Toghan-Shah, a man of war and 42 Sec below, p. 328, n. 5. 43 Bistam, the modem Biistam (Bostam), was famous for the tomb of dhe celebrated Sufi Abti-Yazid (Bayazid), who died and was buried here in 874. 293 11691-346 11691 Ala Ad Din Ata Malik Juvaini - - THE HISTORY OF battle, not a lover of cymbal and harp, he was constantly attacking the latter, so that his army grew weary, and most of his emirs and nobles went over to Sultan-Shah, and his kingdom lost its lustre. He appealed several times for help to Sultan Tekish and the Sultan of Ghur, sending messengers to them and on one occasion going to Herat in person to ask for an army to assist him. It was of no avail, and he continued in the like state of frustration until the night of Tuesday the I2th of Muhar-ram, 581 [i5th of April, 1186], when he departed from this to the next world and his son, Sanjar-Shah, was set upon the throne in succession to his father. Mengli Beg,44 who was his afabeg, was now paramount and opened his hand in confiscations and extortions; whereupon most of Toghan-Shah's emirs entered the service of Sultan-Shah, who gained control of the greater part of Toghan-Shah's territory. As for Malik Dinar, he went to Kerman, and all the Ghuzz Turks, wherever there were any of them left, came to join him there* In the beginning of the year 582/1186-7 Sultan Tekish went firom Khorazm to Khorasan, and Sultan-Shah availed himself of the opportunity to enter Khorazm at the head of a large army. Sultan Tekish came to Merv and sat down before the gates of the town. As for Sultan-Shah, contrary to his expectations, he was not admitted into Khorazm; and because of Tekish's presence at the gates of Merv he dared not remain where he was. Upon reaching Amuya he left most of his army there and in the night with only fifty men-at-arms cut his way through the armies of [23] Tekish and entered Merv. The next day, when the Sultan learnt that his brother had entered the town and fortified himself there, he turned rein and without waiting further hastened away to Shadyakh. In Rabi* I, 582 [March-April, 1186], he sat down before that town and besieged Sanjar-Shah and Mengli Beg for two months. When peace had been established and the Sultan had returned home, he sent Shihab-ad-Din Mas'ud the Grand Chamberlain, Saif-ad-Din Mardan-Shir the Table-Decker and Baha-ad-Din of Baghdad the Scribe 44 Ibii-al-Atlur calls him Meagli Tegm. (M.Q,) 294 11691-347 11691 Ala Ad Din Ata Malik Juvaini - - THE WORLD-CONQUEROR upon a mission to Mengll Beg to conclude the treaty of peace and confirm the agreement to which he had engaged himself. The Sultan's domestics not having accompanied them Mengli Beg sent them in chains to Sultan-Shah, and they remained imprisoned until a reconciliation was effected between the brothers. Now the imam Burhan-ad-DIn Abu-Sa'id b. al-Imam Fakht-ad-Din €Abd-al-€AzIz of Kufa was In the service of the Sultan. He was one of the greatest savants and the most distinguished imams of the day and held in high esteem by the sultans of the age; and the posts of Cadi and stwikthal-Iskm of Khorasan were entrusted to him. Of the products of his mind are these two or three verses which he sent to Kufa and which were dictated (imla) to me by a friend when I was writing this account of him: Will returning to the confines of Kufa slake the thirst of longing before my death ? And shall I walk in the morning between al-Kunas and *KMt 45 shedding my tears upon those Mils? [24] God preserve my companions in Iraq even tbwgb Ay bmwjhmg Ae whole of my life from them m shattered fragments* After the conclusion of peace he entered Shadyakh, and Mengli Beg seized him and put him to death. Upon hearing the tidings of his brother's return home, Sultan-Shah, in conformity with his custom and his desire to hold sway over the territory of Nishapur, again advanced on Shadyakh and fought there for a while; but perceiving that he made no progress and that the townspeople were too strong for him, he turned from thence to Sabzavar, to which he laid siege, setting up his mangonels. The people of Sabzavar hurled insults at him and he grew angry and exerted every effort to take the town. When the inhabitants were in desperate straits and were left without asylum or means of escape, they approached Ahmad~i-Badili, the shaikh of the age, who was one of the saints (akiSl) 45 Al-Konas must be an abbreviated form of al-Kunasa, the name of a quarter of Kufa. The vocalisation of KNDH is quite uncertain. It is dearly not identical with Kinda, a district in die Yemen. (M.Q.) 295 11691-348 11691 Ala Ad Din Ata Malik Juvaini - - THE HISTORY OF of this world and without peer in the religious and mystic sciences. He went forth to save them and interceded with Sultan-Shah, who received him with marks of respect and granted his prayer for fair pardon and condonation of their faults and hasty utterances. Now Shaikh Ahmad was a native of Sabzavar, and as he left the town on his mission of intercession the people hurled abuse at him on account of their quarrel with the Sufis4fi and the shaikhs. And he said: * If there had been a more refractory people than this, Ahmad, my teacher,47 would have sent me to them/ They shot an arrow after him and it hit him in the heel; but he paid no attention. Shaikh Ahmad is the author of mystic poetry, ghazals, quatrains and epistles. The following [25] is one of his quatrains: O soul, if thou cleansest thyself from the dust of the body, Thou wilt become a holy spirit in the heavens. A throne is thy seat: art thou not ashamed To come and dwell in an earthly abode ? Sultan-Shah entered Sabzavar but kept his word and left for Merv after remaining but an hour. And on Friday the I4th of Muharram, 583 [27th of March, 1187], Sultan Tekish sat down before Shadyakh, set up his mangonels and began a fierce battle. Mengli Beg was finally compelled to appoint imams and shaikhs as mediators sending them to him and laying his hand upon the skirt of supplication. Tekish granted his petition and confirmed his word by oath. And Mengli Beg presenting himself before the Sultan the latter entered the town on Tuesday the I7th48 of Rabie I of the same year [27th of May, 1187], and spread the carpet of justice and 46 abl4-si(ffa had nothing to do with the Sufis but by a false etymology wffa had been associated with stiff (see Reckendorf in the Encyclopedia of Islam); therefore here probably * the saintly people *, * the Sufis'. (V.M.) 47jwr. Possibly the reference is to Ahmad of Jam (441-536/1049-1142), whose sanctuary (the town of Turbat-i-Shaikh Jam) lies in Khorasan near the Afghan border. (V.M.) 48 So according to E. The rest of the MSS. give the date as the 7th, but that day, as Barthold has pointed out (op. dt, 346, n. 2), was actually a Sunday. The 17th of Rabi* I (which is also given in a Petrograd University MS. quoted by Barthold) would be a Wednesday, only one day out. 296 11691-349 11691 Ala Ad Din Ata Malik Juvaini - - THE WORLD-CONQUEROR clemency, and cleared the site of the thorns and rubbish of injustice and oppression. He set a supervisor over MengH Beg to see that he duly restored what he had wrongfully taken; and then in order to avenge Burhan-ad-Din—for ' the flesh of the learned is poisoned'—he was handed over, in accordance with the fatwas of the imams, to the imam Fakhr-ad-Din *Abd~al-*Aziz of Kufa to be put to death in vengeance for his son—' life for life, and for wounds retaliation.3 49 The whole region50 of Nishapur, purged of his tyranny, was now surrendered to the Khorazm-Shah, who placed the reins of the administration thereof in the competent hands of his elder son, Nasir-ad-Din Malik-Shah, and in Rajab of the same year [September-October, 1187] returned to Khorazm. Seeing that the coast was clear again Sultan-Shah at once led an army to attack Malik-Shah, and caused the inhabitants of Shadyakh to drink brimful goblets of striking and thrusting, and destroyed the greater part of the wall. And from either side the armies clashed together [26] and opposed each other in strife and battle. And Malik-Shah dispatched a relay of couriers to his father and sent letters seeking aid and assistance. Wherefore Tekish also, for his part, brooked no delay but set out with such troops as he had at hand. And he commanded a member of his bodyguard (mufradan-i-khass)51 to proceed from Nisa in the guise of a deserter and inform Sultan-Shah that Tekish had arrived in Khorasan at the head of a great army. On receiving these tidings Sultan-Shah set fire to his mangonels and departed with the humility of dust and the speed of the wind. And when the Sultan reached the town he repaired the ruins and in the winter departed to winter quarters in Mazandaran; and all the emirs of Khorasan, who had not previously joined his service, now attached themselves to him and were distinguished and singled out by inclusion amongst the recipients of his favour. *° Koran, v, 49. The full version is: * Life for life, md eye for eye, and nose for nose, and ear for ear, and tooth for tooth, and for wounds retaliation! 50 The text has aria' ' Barters', apparently a reference to the four * territories * of Nishapur. See the Hudud, 102 and 325. 81 See below, ii, 412, in. i. 297 11691-350 11691 Ala Ad Din Ata Malik Juvaini - - THE HISTORY OF Finally, when Spring revealed her face from behind the veil of Winter and gave the world a share of her beauty, he returned to Khorasan and encamped in the meadows of Radkan of Tus. Ambassadors passed to and fro between him and Sultan-Shah and they made peace with each other. The Khorazm-Shah, to show his good will, placed Jam, Bakharz and Zir-i-Pul52 in the hands of Sultan-Shah; and the latter, for his part, sent back in robes of honour the Khorazm-Shah's ministers whom Mengli Beg had dispatched to him in chains; and either party was cleansed from the impurities of discord and Khorasan was purged of rebels and enemies. And on Tuesday the i8th of Jumada I, 585 [24th of July, 1189], [27] the Khorazm-Shah ascended the throne of the Sultanate in the meadows of Radkan of Tus; and his fame spread throughout the world and fear of his majestic presence took root in the hearts and minds of all creation. The poets composed many congratulatory poems and addresses upon this occasion, and 'Imadi of Zuzan has a qatida on this subject of which the opening lines are as follows: Praise be to God, from East to West hath the world been confided to the sword of the World-Monarch. The supreme Commander, the Emperor of the Universe, the Giver of signets to kings, the Lord of the Earth, Tekish Khan, son of Il-Arslan, son of Atsiz—kings, father and son, from the time of Adam. He hath stridden up to the throne of victorious fortune as the sun strides up to the throne of the turquoise canopy. The Sultan showered gifts and presents upon the poets in particular and upon mankind in general; and in the autumn of that year returned to Khorazm. Now whilst there was peace between the brothers there was constant enmity and warfare between Sultan-Shah and the Sultans of Ghur; but finally, after Sultan-Shah had been routed in the battle of Marv-ar-Rud and Panj-Dih and the pillar of his might and glory overthrown, both parties thought it expedient to come to terms and outwardly concluded peace with each other. As for Sultan-Shah, he was constantly imposing on his 52 Unidentified, 298 11691-351 11691 Ala Ad Din Ata Malik Juvaini - - THE WORLD-CONQUEROR brother and made many demands of him; and certain of his actions pointed to a breach of their pact and a violation of their covenant. Accordingly, in the year 586/1190-1, the Sultan set out from Khorazm to attack him, and sitting down before the castle of Sarakhs, which was crammed with Sultan-Shah's men and with endless stores and armaments, he took it by storm and destroyed it. He turned back from thence to Radkan [28] and passed the summer there. The brothers were now reconciled a second time, and Sultan-Shah repaired the castle of Sarakhs and filled it with treasures and provisions. And the ropes of fraternity and concord remained twined together between the two brothers until the year 588/1192-3, when Qutlugh-Inanch, the son of the atabeg Muhammad, the son of Ildegiz,53 dispatched messengers to the Sultan from Iraq to inform him about Sultan Toghril the Seljuq—how he had escaped from the fortress in which he had been imprisoned54 and was wresting the kingdom of Iraq from his hands. In reply to his appeal for help the Sultan set out from Khorazm. Now Baha-ad-Din the Scribe of Baghdad 5S was at that rime in the Sultans service. When the Sultan came to Juvain [and arrived] at the town of Azadvar, my great-grandfather Baha-ad-Din Muhammad b. 'AH went to wait upon him. And in the royal presence a discussion took place between these two 56 and the Sultan's gaze fell upon them, whereupon at a sign from the minister my great-grandfather extemporized the following quatrain: Thy favour steals the glory of the hidden jewel; The generosity of thy hand steals away the splendour of the Oxus; 63 Shams-ad-Din Ildegiz (1136-72) was the founder of the dynasty of the atakegs of Azerbaijan. His son Muhammad Jahan-Pahlavan (1172-85) was the father not only of Qutiugh-Inanch but also of the atabegs Abu-Bakr (1191-1210) and Oz-Beg (1210-25). His immediate successor was his brother QMl-Arslan *Usman (1185-91). s* By the recently deceased Qizfl-Arslan. Toghril II (1177-94) was the last of the Seljuqs of (Persian) Iraq. 65 On Baha-ad-Din Muhammad b. Mu'ayyid al-Baghdadi and his collection of official documents see Barthold, op. dt.f 33-4. 56 I.e. the two Baha-ad-Dins. 299 11691-352 11691 Ala Ad Din Ata Malik Juvaini - - THE HISTORY OF Thy decision, if thou deliberatest, Will remove a foolish fancy from the head of Heaven. To this tune the Sultan drank wine till nightfall; and he made much of my great-grandfather and honoured him with presents. When the sun entered Aries he took the road to Iraq to assail the rebels. And as news of his coming reached Qutlugh-Inanch and his motherS7 they repented of having invited him and decided to take refuge in the castle. Sitting down before Ray the Sultan took the castle of Tabarak,58 which was crammed with men of battle and weapons of war [29], within one or two days; and his army was heartened by the capture of much booty. He passed the summer in the neighbourhood of Ray; and because of the unhealthiness of the air and the insalubrity of the water many of his army perished. Meanwhile, Sultan Toghril, perceiving the estrangement which had arisen between the Sultan and Qutlugh-Inanch, dispatched gifts and presents and took refuge in the seeking of protection. And on that account the highway of friendship was cleansed from the impurities of embroilment and the goblet of affection filled to the brim. And the Sultan collected the taxes and placed the Emir Tamghach (who was the senior Turkish emir) in Ray together with an army. As he returned he was met on the road by scouts with the news that Sultan-Shah, taking advantage of his absence, had departed to lay siege to Khorazm. Sultan Tekish hastened thither with great speed, but when he reached Dihistan messengers arrived with the glad tidings that upon the news of his homecoming Sultan-Shah had turned back. Arriving in Khorazm the Sultan gave himself up to feasting during the wintertime, but when fresh down appeared upon the lips of the earth and the bud of spring displayed its tongue in wide-mouthed laughter, he made ready to proceed to Khorasan and attack his brother. Upon his reaching Abivard ambassadors again passed between the brethren and resumed the work of peace and 67 Qutlugh-Khatun. (V.M.) 58 On the castle of Tabarak, built on a hill of the same name to the north of Ray, see le Strange, The Lan&s cj the Eastern Caliphate, 216-17. 3OO 11691-353 11691 Ala Ad Din Ata Malik Juvaini - - THE WORLD-CONQUEROR reconciliation. But in spite of correspondence and the dispatch of letters by either side the pus of contention could not be removed, and Sultan-Shah from the exceeding malignancy of his nature and violence of his temper would speak words remote from the path of righteousness and divorced from modesty and propriety. Meanwhile the governor of Sarakhs, Badr-ad-Din Chaghir,59 growing apprehensive on account of calumnies and slanders which had been related against him before Sultan-Shah, imprisoned a number [30] of the garrison in whom he had no confidence and dispatched a courier to Abivard to summon the Sultan. The latter sent on a large force in advance and set out in person in their wake. Upon his approach Chaghir came out to meet him and make professions of loyalty; and he delivered up the key to the castle and the treasuries. From grief at this news and mortification at these tidings the light of day was darkened to Sultan-Shah, and two days later, viz. on the night of Wednesday, the last day of Rainazan, 589 [22nd 01 September, 1193] the sun of his life and fortune reached its decline. The next day, because of this news, was to the Sultan as the festival of Nauruz and in triumph he seized upon the kingdom and possessions of Sultan-Shah. Having thus inherited the latter's throne and court and treasury and army he dispatched a swift messenger to Khorazm to summon Malik Qutb-ad-Din Muhammad.60 However, his elder son, Nasir-ad-Din Malik-Shah, who was governor of Nishapur, was passionately fond of hunting with cheetahs and falcons, and because of the great number of hunting grounds around Merv he offered to exchange Nishapur for that place. What a poor substitute for you are Syria and its people, even though they are my own people and my home is amongst them I The Sultan granted his request and settled Nishapur upon 59 Reading ClR with D for the JfR of the text, chaghtr is a variant of the Turkish cbacjir ' merlin', * stone-Eicon'. On the use of this word as a proper name see Houtsma, op, cit.f 28. 60 This is the famous Muhammad Khorazm-Shah, who, after his father's death, received the title of'Ala-ad-Din. (M.Q.) 301 11691-354 11691 Ala Ad Din Ata Malik Juvaini - - THE HISTORY OF Malik Qutb-ad-Din; and he strengthened the hands of both sons in their kingdoms and in the loosening and binding, the tying and untying [of affairs]. Now having at the time of the dispute with his brother received tidings that Sultan Toghril had violated the treaty between them and hearing afterwards from Tamghach of his attack upon the army of Khorazm and seizure of the castle of Tabarak, which was filled with Tamghach's men, the Sultan set out for that region in the beginning of the year 590/1194-5 in order to avenge himself on Sultan Toghril and resolve that problem. Inanch accompanied by the emirs of Iraq came as far as Samnan to meet him and [31] in a posture of shame and contrition busied himself with excuses and apologies for having donned the necklace of his past crimes. The Sultan pardoned and forgave him and sent him back in advance with the army of Iraq. Meanwhile Sultan Toghril together with a great army and a numerous host had pitched his camp three parasangs from Ray and unfurled the banner of resistance and conflict. When Inanch drew near he too disposed his forces and donned the garments of battle. Now Sultan Toghril had a heavy mace, in which he took great pride. He rode to and fro in front of the army and, as was his custom, recited the following verses from the Shaknama: When the dust arose from that countless army, the cheeks of our worthies turned pale. As for me I raised the mace that kills with a single blow and felled that host upon the spot. I uttered a yell from my saddle saying, * The earth has become a millstone upon them.' 61 And at that very moment the mill of Heaven was grinding the grain of his life beneath the stone of annihilation and changing the hope he had cherished into despair. He fell from his horse and as he lay on the ground Qutlugh-Inanch came up and was about to deal him a blow without having recognized him. He threw off his veil to make himself known, and when Qutlugh- 61 Shahnama ed. Vullers, I8&, 1L 1060-2, 11691-355 11691 Ala Ad Din Ata Malik Juvaini - - THE WORLD-CONQUEROR Inanch realized who he was he exclaimed: * It was thou I sought amongst all these and that was the purpose of this bustling amongst friend and foe/ With one blow he removed the haughtiness of pride and the dominion of terror from his vainglorious brain and confided his spirit to its original home. Against the fickleness of the revolving heavens of what avail is the Sultan's heavy mace ? And when Fate is hostile where is there any conceivable advantage from abundance of troops [32] and allies ? He was slung across a camel and brought before the Sultan. And when the latter saw his enemy in that condition he dismounted from his horse to prostrate himself in thanksgiving to God and rubbed his face in the ground. ToghriTs head, which had borne no good will towards the Commander of the Faithful an-Nasir li~Din-Allah,62 he sent to Baghdad; whilst his corpse was hanged in the market-place in Ray. This event fell out on Thursday the 29th of Rabie I, 590 [24th of April, 1194]. The poet Kamal-ad-Din, who was ToghriTs familiar companion and one of his panegyrists, was taken prisoner and brought before the vizier Nizam-al-Mulk Mas'ud, who said: * So great was the fame of this fellow ToghriTs strength and power, and yet he could not stand up to one charge by a scouting party from the army of the Lord of Islam/ Kamal-ad-Din at once replied: * Human was superior to Bizhan in strength: virtue becomes vice when the sun has set.*63 The Sultan did not remain long in Ray, from whence he set out for Hamadan; and within a short time he had captured most of the castles in Iraq. Now the Commander of the Faithful, an-Nasir li-Din-Allah, wished [33] the Sultan to surrender Iraq or part of it to the Supreme Divan.64 Messengers passed to and fro between the two parties, and as the Sultan would not agree the Caliph sent 621180-1225. 63 Shahwma ed. Vullers, 1182, 1. 809. Human was a Turanian hero slain by Bizhan. 64 Le. the Caliphate. 303 11691-356 11691 Ala Ad Din Ata Malik Juvaini - - THE HISTORY OF his vizier, Mu'ayyid-ad-Din Ibn-al-Qassab, to him with robes and gifts and all kinds of honourable presents. By the time the vizier had reached Asadabad more than ten thousand men— Kurds from Iraq and Arab soldiery—had gathered around him; and his excessive officiousness and lack of wit and learning prevailed upon him to send the following message to the Sultan : * The honour and the diploma of Sultanship have been bestowed by the Supreme Divan, and the surety for the affairs of the realm, that is the vizier, has come hither on that errand. The obligation under which he is placed by that boon requires the Sultan to advance to meet the vizier with a small following and great humility and to proceed on foot in front of the vizier's horse/ The pride of kingship and the Sultanate, and the knowledge of the guile and treachery of such a meeting, and the good fortune that attended him caused the Sultan to ward off that treason by dispatching an army to greet him; and before the men of Baghdad had eaten supper they gave the vizier a taste of breakfast. He fled, bringing disgrace on the Caliphate, and the army pursued his forces as far as Dinavar.65 Their reputation had been destroyed; and the Sultan entered Hamadan possessed of dinars and dirhems and riches beyond measure. He dispatched revenue officials (*unimal) to the countries of Iraq and entrusted the affairs of that realm to the ernirs and agents (gumashtagan), He bestowed Isfahan upon Qutlugh-Inanch and enrolled the emirs in his suite. Ray he conferred upon his own son Yunis Khan with Mayanchuq 66 as his atofag and [34] controller (naqik) of the army. And the other districts having been disposed of in like manner the Sultan set off in triumph to return to Khorasan. On the way thither he received tidings that Malik-Shah had fallen ill on account of the unhealthy climate of Merv. He sent for him, and when he came to Tus and had recovered his health he again entrusted the emirate of Nishapur to him and struck the tents of departure to Khorazm. Having allotted a fief to Sultan Muhammad in Khorasan he took him along with him. When the winter of the year 591/1194-5 was over he set out 65 The ruins of DInavar lie about halfway between Kangavar and Kermanshah. 66 The text has MYANjQ and E MYANjWQ. 304 11691-357 11691 Ala Ad Din Ata Malik Juvaini - - THE WORLD-CONQUEROR for Suqnaq and that region to attack Qayir-Buqu 67 Khan. The Sultan and all his forces had reached as far as Jand, when Qayir-Buqu Khan, upon news of his approach, turned rein and fled, and the Sultan hastened in his pursuit. Now in the Sultan's army [35] there were a number of Oran 68 (who used to serve as A'jamis)69 in attendance upon the Sultan. These now sent a message to Qayir-Buqu saying that he should stand firm and when the armies came together they would turn their faces and show their backs. Relying upon this Qayir-Buqu returned and the two armies drew up in battle-order on Friday the 6th of Jumada II of that year [yth of February, 1195]. The Sultan's Oran withdrew behind the centre of the army and plundered the baggage. The army of Islam was routed; many perished under the sword and yet more were buried in the desert on account of heat and thirst. The Sultan himself reached Khorazm after eighteen days. Whilst the Sultan had been preparing for this expedition, Yunis Khan had sent men of trust to his brother Malik-Shah in Khorasan to announce the approach of the army of Baghdad and to seek his aid. Upon his request Malik-Shah set out for Iraq but before he could come to his brother's aid Yunis Khan himself had already routed the army of Baghdad [36] and taken much booty. The brothers met in Hamadan, and after they had remained together a while carousing and making merry, Malik-Shah returned home. Upon arriving in Khorasan he sent a decree to Arslan-Shah70 in Shadyakh appointing him his deputy and set out for Khorazm to wait on his father. On account of his absence the humours 67 Reading QAYR BWQW with E for the QATR BWQW of the text. Further on (II, 40 and 41) the text has QADR BWQW, i.e. Qad'ir-Buqu. qaytr is the Western form of the normal Turkish qadir * strong *: buqu means * stag *. 68 The text has Urawyan, i.e. more precisely Orcmians. On the Oran tribe see Barthold, op. at, 343, n. 2. Cf. also Qara-Alp Oran, i.e. Qara-Alp the Oran. (See below, p. 309, n. 83.) For a quite different reading of the name see Pelliot-Hambis, Campagnes, 107-8. 69a'jamiyan, i.e. 'barbarians* in the Greek sense. So the Janissary novice was called fajem ogbkn * foreign lad' as being of non-Moslem birth. See Gibb and Bowen, Iskmic Society and the West, 329, n. 4. 70 Malik-Shah's son. 305 11691-358 11691 Ala Ad Din Ata Malik Juvaini - - THE HISTORY OF of corruption were generated in Nishapur by the agency of a number of demon-like men the hand of whose domination had been restrained from tyranny and oppression under the rule of the Solomon-like Sultan,71 as the sword of iniquity and injustice had then remained undrawn in the sheath of their volition. These persons, from behind the curtains of opposition, began to prepare for war against the Sultan together with the son of Toghan-Shah, Sanjar-Shah, whom the Sultan used to cherish in the bosom of his kindness and in the stronghold of his benevolence and to favour like his own children by reason of two ties which he maintained with him, the first being that Sanjar's mother was married to the Sultan and the second that the Sultan's sister had followed his daughter into Sanjar's household. He now by reason of his adverse fortune and unlucky horoscope was reduced by the above-mentioned persons to join in their plot. They made their plans in secret in order that no rumour thereof might get abroad and their design might not be revealed until they should raise up right and left and front and rear. And in sympathy with these plans of rebellion Sanjar's mother sent gold and jewels to Nishapur from Khorazm in order to beguile the notables and chief men of the town with money and lead their counsel far astray from the right path. However, their secret became known, and Sanjar-Shah was summoned to Khorazm where he was held in custody after being blinded in his world-beholding eyes.72 The light of his sight was not completely cut off but he did not reveal this. The following is [part of] a quatrain of his: [37] When the hand of Destiny blinded my eye, A cry arose from the world of Youth. After a while the emirs and Pillars of State interceded on his behalf urging the claims of his close relationship by marriage, and he was released and reinstated in the fiefs he held. And so he continued until upon a pretext made by the Angel of Death his appointed hour arrived, viz. in the year 595/1198-9. 71 Le. Tekish. 72 This was done by passing a white-hot bar before the victim's eyes. 306 11691-359 11691 Ala Ad Din Ata Malik Juvaini - - THE WORLD-CONQUEROR At the time when the bar was passed before his eyes no one had known [that he had not been completely blinded] nor had he informed anyone thereof, so that the very members of his household were ignorant of that circumstance, and he would squint at all that happened, good or ill, and suffered no hurt therefrom, for € to the wise man a sign is enough \ After his death the Sultan turned to preparation for war and the disposition of striking and thrusting weapons, and he dispatched messengers to every side to summon the emirs of every quarter so that he might again make ready for some adventure. At this juncture news arrived of a dispute among the emirs of Iraq. In the meantime, his son Yunis Khan, on account of some hurt that had affected his eye and which could not be cured (perhaps a punishment, for God Almighty hath said: c An eye for an eye' 73J, returned from Ray leaving Mayanchuq behind as his deputy. And in Baghdad an army commanded by [38] the vizier was fitted out to make an attack on Iraq. Qutlugh-Inanch came to Ray to the assistance of Mayanchuq. They remained together for several days, and then Mayanchuq suddenly fell upon Qutlugh-Inanch and killed him. He sent his head to Khorazm claiming that he had been meditating rebellion. The Sultan was much affected by this shameful excuse and manifest treason and realized that these were the symptoms of insurrection, but he judged it expedient not to reveal his feelings. Finally, in [592/1195-6] 74 he set out for Iraq for the third time. The vizier of the Caliph being in Hainadan with an army the Sultan halted upon reaching Muzdaqan.75 A day or two later the two sides joined battle and the army of Baghdad saw no refuge save in seeking quarter. In his wonted manner the Sultan spared their lives and dismissed them with honour. Some days before the battle the vizier, who had commanded the army, had passed away, and the news of his death had been kept so secret that the army were ignorant of it until after their defeat. The 73 Koran, v. 49. See above, p. 297* n. 49. 74 There is a blank in the MSS. and M.Q. has supplied the date from Ibn-al-Athir. 75 Now Mazdacjan to the west of Saveh in Central Persia. z 307 11691-360 11691 Ala Ad Din Ata Malik Juvaini - - THE HISTORY OF dead man's head was cut off and sent to Khorazm—an act as unchivakous as it was unworthy of a Sultan. The report of the Sultan's victory spread through the two Iraqs and his cause prospered accordingly. The atabeg Oz-Beg came to him from Azerbaijan having fled from his brother. The Sultan received him with honour and bestowed Hamadan upon him. From Hamadan the Sultan proceeded to Isfahan where [39] he remained some time. The following qifa was composed by Khaqani76 [in reference to that occasion]: Gkd tidings I the Khorazm-Shah has taken the kingdom of Isfahan; he has taken the kingdom of the two Iraqs as well as Khorasan. The crescent77 upon his parasol has conquered the castle of the heavens; the wavy lustre 78 upon his sword has taken the kingdom of Solomon.79 After a while he set out upon the return journey having placed his grandson Erbiiz Khan,80 son of Toghan-Toghdi81 in the town of Isfahan and left Bighu Sipahsalar-i-Samani82 as his atabeg. Upon arriving in Khorazm he sent Nasir-ad-Din Malik-Shah a mandate conferring upon him the emirate of Khorasan but said: * Go not to Merv, for its climate agrees not with your constitution.9 However, the violence of his passion for the chase made his intellect its prey and he set out for Merv, where he fell sick. He left for Nishapur but his illness grew worse; his disease prevailed over him and because of that malady he betook himself from this transient abode to the place of eternity; and 76 According to 'Ali 'Abdorrasuli, the editor of Khaqani's Divan, Tehran, 1216/1937-8, viii, the author of these lines was actually Kamal-ad-Din Isma'il. 77 mabcha' little moon *, which can also mean the knot at the end of his parasol. 78 murcha, which means lit. * little ant'. 79 This would normally mean Fars. 80ARBWZ. C£ the name Erviiz (Erwiiz) in Kashghari. 81 Actually a sentence: toghan toghd'i' the falcon is born'. For other examples of this type of name see Houtsma, op. tit., 34-5. 82 Lit. * the Samanid Commander-in-Chief *. Conceivably the title was inherited from an ancestor in the service of the Samanids (874-999), the Persian rulers of Transoxiana, whose dynasty was overthrown by the Qara-Khanids. 308 11691-361 11691 Ala Ad Din Ata Malik Juvaini - - THE WORLD-CONQUEROR this came to pass on the eve of Thursday the pth of Rabi* II9 593 [ist of March, 1197]. When news of his death smote the ear of the Sultan he moaned and lamented loudly, which availed him nothing, and abandoned the expedition which he had intended to make against the infidel. And since the sons of Malik-Shah were meditating connivance at rebellion and opposition to the Sultan, he dispatched Nizam-al-Mulk Sadr-ad-Din Mas'ud of Herat to Shadyakh to administer affairs and allay disturbances; [40] he sent Malik-Shah's sons, the eldest of whom was Hindu-Shah, to Khorazm; and by reason of his well-considered measures the tumults of unrest and the calamities of Fate died down under his firm control. And in the wake of this vizier the Sultan dispatched his second son Qutb-ad-Din Muhammad, to assume responsibility for the affairs of Khorasan, When he arrived the vizier had already completed his work and repelled the disturbers of the peace: two days later on the second of Zul-Hijja [i6th of October, 1197] he returned to the Sultan and Malik Qutb-ad-Din busied himself with the administration of Khorasan. [He continued to administer that province] until the time when an estrangement occurred between Qadir-Buqu and his nephew Alp-Direk.83 The latter came to Jand and sent messengers to the Sultan to say that if he received help from him he would get rid of Qadir-Buqu and his kingdom would then be the Sultan's for the taking. The vindictiveness of anger, more malignant than the evil eye, prevailed on him to listen to a people of strangers, and he dispatched emissaries in all directions to assemble troops and conclude treaties and likewise summoned 'Malik Qutb-ad-Din back from Shadyakh. Upon the latter's arrival in Khorazm they set out together in Rabf I, 594 [January-February, 1198], and Qadir-Buqu made a raid as far as Jand in order to attack Alp-Direk. His arrival at Jand coincided with that of Malik Qutb-ad-Din, who had advanced ahead of the 83 ALB DRK. I take the second element of the name to be the Turkish tirek or dink € pillar *. On the use of this word in Old Turkish in the sense of * minister * see Hamilton, Les Ouighom a I'fyogue its Cinq Dynasties, 157. Barthold, op. dt, 343-4, identifies Alp-Direk with the Qipehaq chieftain Qara-Alp Oran (itil, 340-1). 309 11691-362 11691 Ala Ad Din Ata Malik Juvaini - - THE HISTORY OF main army in order to reconnoitre; and in this divine predestination favoured the Sultan's lot. The two forces drew up and joined battle. Qadir-Buqu was put to flight and [41] Malik Qutb~ad-Din set out in his pursuit. [Having captured him] he bore him, together with his chiefs and troops—e linked together in chains *84—before the Sultan, who dispatched him in bonds and shackles to Khorazm in Rabi* II of that year [February-March, 1198]. Following upon him the victorious Sultans themselves arrived in the capital. The remains of Qadir-Buqu's people, despairing of their leader, gathered around * Kun-Er-Direk85 and collected together to work confusion and light up the flame of unrest. Acting upon the proverb: f Iron is split by iron3 86 the Sultan raised Qadk-Buqu from the abasement of captivity to the glory of command and having bound him by firm treaties dispatched him at the head of a large force to dead with Alp-Direk. Meanwhile, the Sultan himself set out for Khorasan and arrived in Shadyakh on Tuesday the 2nd of Zul-Hijja, 594 [5th of October, 1198]; Three months later he left for Iraq to settle with Mayanchuq. Because he had for so long ruled that country and preoccupied himself with its affairs a desire for absolute rule and complete independence had taken firm root in his brain, and the demon of Error had rested in his overweening mind, and he was deluded and misled by the munitions and equipment [42] that had accrued to him by the Sultan's fortune. During the winter of that year the Sultan tarried in Mazandaran, but in the beginning of spring he prepared for action. As for Mayanchuq, for all the great army he had gathered together, when he heard the sound of the raging sea, that is, the movement of the Sultan's troops, he was unable to picture constancy in his heart and became exceedingly frightened and alarmed; he was at his wits' end as to what course he should take, and pride 84 Koran, xiv, 50, or xxxviii, 37. 85 KNAR DRK. The first part of the name is conceivably a compound of the Turkish kun * sun * and tr ' man \ As M.Q. states in a footnote, Kun-Er-Direk must be identical with AJp-Direk, the nephew of Qadir-Buqu. 86 * Set a thief to catch a thief/ 310 11691-363 11691 Ala Ad Din Ata Malik Juvaini - - THE WORLD-CONQUEROR and firmness were inconsistent with the state of his mind. With the few men that still remained with him he was twice chased all round Iraq by the Sultan; and all this time he was constantly sending messengers to make excuses and seek pardon and at the same time in his fear was beseeching the Sultan to desist from summoning him to his presence. When it became clear to the Sultan that his heart was false he dispatched an army to pursue him like the wind. They came upon him unawares and put the greater part of his followers to the sword. He himself with a small defeated band made his way to the castle of Firuzkuh,87 which he had previously seized by guile and treachery from the Sultan's commanders, slaying those who held it on his behalf and installing his own men in it with a great store of supplies and provisions. Arriving before the castle in his pursuit the Sultan's army set about besieging it: under shots front their mangonels they dragged him by force out of the castle, bound him upon a camel and took him to the Sultan at Qazvin. The latter, speaking through his chamberlains, enumerated all the boons and blessings he owed to the royal house and went on to recount the ingratitude with which he had requited these kindnesses and favours, committing acts of treachery, abolishing imposts, cancelling taxes, ousting Erbuz Khan from Isfahan and expelling his tax-collectors [43] from the Divan. * Although/ said the Sultan, * his just retribution would be nought less than exemplary punishment and the imposition of every degree of chastisement, nevertheless because of my debt of gratitude to his brother Aqcha, who never committed an act of disloyalty, I have spared his life, but on condition that as a punishment for some of his rebellious actions he shall be enchained and imprisoned for a year and then pass the rest of his life on one of the frontiers against the infidel on the Jand border/ Simultaneously with this victory came the glad tidings of Qadir-Buqu's defeat of * Kun-Er-Direk and, thirdly, the news that messengers had arrived from Baghdad bearing splendid and 87 Le. the famous casde on the slopes of Mt. Damavand (see le Strange, of, dt.> 371 and 372, n. i), not to be confused with Firuzkuh in Ghur, on which see below, p. 328, n. 5. 311 11691-364 11691 Ala Ad Din Ata Malik Juvaini - - THE HISTORY OF numerous presents and a patent conferring the tide of Sultan of Iraq, Khorasan and Turkestan. Being no longer preoccupied with all these matters and having no further cause for apprehension regarding the Supreme Divan, the Sultan now took it into his head to uproot and extirpate the Heretics and led an army to the foot of QalVyi-Qahira,88 a castle which had been captured by Arslan son of Toghril89 and had therefore become known as Arslan-Gushai. He continued to lay siege to it for four months until, finally, being compelled to come to terms the garrison began to come down [44] in detachments and depart to Alamut; and so they all of them got away in safety with all their possessions. Arslan-Gushai is a castle near Qazvin on the borders of the Rudbar of Alamut, near to earth and far from heaven, by no means impregnable and but ill supplied with men and treasure. Sayyid Sadr-ad-Din in the Zukdat-at-Tawarikh, wishing to magnify the exploits of the Sultan,*0 describes it as follows: (It is a strong castle built of solid rock upon a lofty mountain-top, which seizes Heaven by the forelock and butts Orion; and it was crammed with men eager to give their lives and supported ly every manner of arms! 91 Now had Sayyid Sadr-ad-Din been witness of the conquest ot their strong castles that were taken in the present age by the army of the illustrious King92 within a short space of time (as shall be mentioned in its proper place), he would have been ashamed to mention this conquest, let alone describe the castle, and would have considered the following line of 'Unsuri appropriate to the occasion: Such are the actions of the great when action is called for; such are the traces left by the swords of the Khusraus. 88 Lit * the Mighty Castle'. According to Ravandi, 289-90, the castle was built by the Assassins during the reign of Sultan Mas'ud (1133 ~5^)» Arskn's uncle, and given the name of Jahan-Gushai. It was unsuccessfully besieged by Mas'ud but was finally captured by Arslan (11(51-77) at the beginning of his reign. 89 Le. Toghril I (1132-3). 90 I.G. Sultan Arslan, not of course Tekish. 91 This passage is absent from the history of Sadr-ad-Din edited by Muhammad Iqbal (Lahore, 1933)- This may not however be the original work of Sadr-ad-Din but a later compilation based upon it. The absence of the passage quoted by Juvaini was first noticed by Houtsma in Ada Oriwtaliaf III, 145. (V.M.) MU Hiilegu. 312 11691-365 11691 Ala Ad Din Ata Malik Juvaini - - THE WORLD-CONQUEROR And If it should occur to anyone who has not seen these castles that this is nought but rhetorical language bearing the brand of flattery like that describing Arslan-Gushai, such a person may be answered with the jest of Abul-Fazl Baihaqi, who In the Tarikb-i-Nasiri relates as follows: * When the Sultan was returning from Somnat93 one of his falconers slew a great serpent. They skinned it, and the hide was thirty ells long and four ells broad/ Now the point of this is that Abul-Fazl goes on to say: * If any one doubts this story let him go to the castle of Ghazna and see that hide for himself where it hangs from the gate like a curtain/ 94 The compiler of these histories for his part [45] remarks that nothing now remains of that hide but a story, but let such a doubter rise up and from Tarum95 in the West to the region of Sistan, which is a distance of nearly 300 parasangs, let him survey the mountains and castles that shall stand firm till the time when it shall come to pass f that the mountains shall he like flocks of carded wool V6 let him with his reason compare that one puny fortress with the hundred or more stout castles, each of them a hundred times as strong as Arslan-Gushai, that were conquered in this present age by the grace of God the Avenger and the fortune of the august monarch Hiilegii; and fiom thence let him deduce the prowess and might of each of their armies and warriors. After capturing that castle and quenching the flame of unrest the Sultan established his son Taj-ad-Din 'Ali-Shah in Iraq, fixing his place of residence in Isfahan, and he himself turned back and made his way to Khorazm, which he entered on the roth of Jumada II, 596 [28th of March, 1200]. Meanwhile, the Heretics observing that the Sultan's hostility was due to the endeavours of Nizam-al-Mulk, who was the chief vizier, fda'is took up positions on the path to a palace to 93 Or Somnath, on the south coast of the peninsula of Kathiawar. 94 This passage is not to be found in the edition of the T^nkb-l-Baiha^l On the author and his work see Barthold, op. at., 22-4. 95 Tarum (Tarom) is a district to the north of Zanjan on the south-western slopes of the Elburz range, by which it is separated from the Caspian province of Gflan. 96 Koran, ci, 4. 313 11691-366 11691 Ala Ad Din Ata Malik Juvaini - - THE HISTORY OF which the vizier was going. When he came out of the palace one of the accursed ones struck a blow at his back whilst another from the other side stabbed him in the head, so that he straightway gave up the ghost. Now it was one of the wondrous events of this world that the said vizier bore an enmity towards the Grand Chamberlain Shihab-ad-Din Mas'ud of Khorazm and also Hamid-ad-Din 'Ariz of Zuzan, and in those last days he had been attacking these two dignitaries before the Sultan. Just before his own death he had caused 'Ariz to be beheaded at the gate of that palace and he was plotting to send Shihab-ad-Din Mas'ud after him. But vengeful Fate, nay rather the previous commandment of the Creator, required it that before fulfilling this intention his own blood should be spilled upon that ofcAriz. As for the/Mr they were cut to pieces on the spot [46]. The Apostk of God (may God bkss Mm and bis family!) hath truthfully said: e Thou bast slain and shah be slain ; and thy slayer shall be slain! Sultan Tekish was much grieved at this and determined upon requital and revenge. He appointed Malik Qutb-ad-Din to this task and sent a messenger to instruct him first to choose his troops and then to begin with Quhistan.97 In accordance with this command Qutb-ad-Din made his preparations and commenced with Turshiz.98 With a host such that the mountain could not bear the trample of their feet he laid siege to that castle. For four months he continued to fight; the moat of Turshiz, which was as deep as a cavern, had been filled in, and the siege was so far advanced that the castle might have been taken within a week. Meanwhile, the Sultan, who had been assembling armies from every side in Khorazm and preparing for action, was attacked by a plethoric disease which developed into quinsy (from which God preserve us!). His physicians treated the disease, and when he began to recover he set out 97 Quhistan, * the Mountain Country *, was the name given to the region stretching southwards from the Nishapur area along what is now the Afghan border. It is Marco Polo's Tunocain, a name derived from its two chief towns Tun (now Erdaus) and Qa in. The principal town to-day is Birjand. 98 There is still a district of Turshiz, to the west of Turbat-i-Haidari. Le Strange, op. dt., 354, n. 2, locates the town on the site of the present-day Firtizabad, 314 11691-367 11691 Ala Ad Din Ata Malik Juvaini - - THE WORLD-CONQUEROR [for Turshiz]. The physicians forbade him to travel, but the Sultan, because of the fierceness of the fire of wrath, would not recite the sura on the acceptance of advice. He continued to journey till he came to the stage known as Chah-i-*Arab (* Arabs' Well *), and since the bucket of his life had fallen to the bottom of the well his malady returned and he departed from this transient abode to that eternal resting-place. This was on the ipth of Ramazan, 596 [2$rd of June, 1200], The Pillars of State at once dispatched messengers to Malik Qutb-ad-Din to inform him. Meanwhile a prodigy occurred: his standard snapped for no reason and drooped its head. He took this as an evil omen and following upon it came the news of his father's death. He concealed it from the army and on the pretext of sickness [47] made ready to return. Envoys passed to and fio and they began to discuss terms of peace. Having no inkling of his father's death the people of Turshiz performed many services and offered tribute over and above 100,000 dinars. Malik Qutb-ad-Din then returned. Like a downrushing flood or a torrent of rain he joined day to night and night to day until he reached the gates of Shahristana. There he performed the rites of mourning and hastened on to Khorazm* PI] OF THE ACCESSION OF 'ALA-AD-DIN KHORAZM-SHAH WHEN he arrived at the capital, the emirs and Pillars of State gathered together and held a feast; and on Thursday the 2Oth of Shawal, 596 [4th of August, 1200] with divine assistance they set him upon the throne of kingship. The withered branches of the realm became fresh and verdant and the dead soul of justice returned to life and health; and bearers of the good tidings proceeded to every corner of the land. When news of his father's death reached the Sultans of Ghur, Shihab-ad-Din and Ghiyas-ad-Din, those painters, the promptings of the demon Ambition, limned pictures of wicked and unprofitable imaginings and drawings of lewd and fruitless 315 11691-368 11691 Ala Ad Din Ata Malik Juvaini - - THE HISTORY OF phantasies upon the page of their brain; and the bride-dressers known as Human Pride [48] perfumed and painted the brides called Greed and Cupidity. They therefore dispatched an army in advance to Merv, where they stationed Muhammad Kharang; whilst they themselves set out with a great host and ninety elephants, each the size of a mountain. First they came to Tus, where they engaged in much looting and pillaging, and from thence in Rajab, 597 [April-May, 1201], to Shadyakh. Here was the brother of Sultan Muhammad, 'Ali-Shah, who had returned from Iraq, together with other dignitaries. The brother Sultans rode all round the walls as though they were sightseeing and then came to a halt in front of the town. In order to watch the army a large crowd of people had taken up their stand in a tower facing them. The tower collapsed. The soldiers took this as a favourable augury; they stormed the town that very day and began to plunder, sending sbahnas to the houses of ascetics and holy men lest any harm should befall them. They continued to pillage till mid-day, when a proclamation was made that they should desist. [49] And such was the discipline of the army that each soldier at once let go of what he was holding; and all the spoil having been gathered together, as soon as anyone recognized his goods, they were at once restored to him; for there was policy in their plundering. As for the army of Khorazm they were taken out of Shadyakh together with Taj-ad-Din *Ali-Shah and the notables and dignitaries of the Sultan's realm and subjected to many tortures and torments, after which they were dispatched to the capital of Ghur. Every one who had had some hand in the administration of the Divan had his property confiscated, and shahnas were dispatched to Jurjan and Bistam to take possession of those places. The Sultans then turned back after placing Ziya-ad-Din in Nishapur at the head of a large army and repairing the walls of the fortifications. Ghiyas-ad-Din went to Herat, whilst Shihab-ad-Din proceeded to Quhistan to destroy the abodes of the Heretics and demolish their castles. After first resisting, the people of Junabidx sued for peace and tendered their submission. 1 Now Gunabad. 316 11691-369 11691 Ala Ad Din Ata Malik Juvaini - - THE WORLD-CONQUEROR He set the cadi of Tulak2 over that place as guardian and went to Herat. When Sultan Muhammad learnt of the turmoil and confusion amongst the peopFe of Khorasan he set out from Khorazm like a raging lion or a terror-striking lightning-flash with a great army and an immense host, and on the iyth of Zul-Hijja of the same year [i8th of September, 1201] sat down before Shadyakh and stationed his forces around the town. The Ghuris made sallies and engaged in battle, being full of conceit of their might and prowess. But after tasting the valour of the army of Khorazm, they realized that their toil was in vain and all their fighting of no avail. They crept like mice into their hole, and mangonels were set in action on the outside until the walls were humbled like the earth and the moat filled in. Perceiving that they were about to fall into the abasement of captivity, they had recourse to ambassadors and causing the shaikhs and *ulema to intervene on their behalf they humbly and servilely begged the Sultan [50] for quarter. He put into practice the proverb: ' Ifthou art 1dng, be indulgent* with respect to them and closed his eyes to crimes and misdemeanours; and having honoured and dignified them with robes in great number and money without measure he dispatched them, loaded with boons and favours, to the Sultan of Ghur, in order that they might learn how to give when powerful and how to be clement and indulgent in the face of great rancour and hatred. Having ordered the walls of the town to be completely demolished the Sultan set out from thence for Merv and Sarakhs, which was held by Hindu-Khan, his nephew, on behalf of the Sultans of Ghur. When Hindu-Khan heard of his uncle's approach the rain of discomfiture rained down upon him and he left for Ghur. Upon the Sultan's arrival at Sarakhs the governor of the fortress did not come forward [to meet him], and he left a party to besiege the town until they took it and made the governor prisoner. Meanwhile the Sultan himself had returned to Khorazm by 2 Tulak is still the name of a town and district to the east of Herat. Juzjani took part in the defence of the fortress against the Mongols. (Raverty, 1961.) 317 11691-370 11691 Ala Ad Din Ata Malik Juvaini - - THE HISTORY OF way of Merv and had a second time made ready for battle. In Zul-Qaeda of that year3 he set out once again intending to attack Herat and extirpate its noble rulers. He encamped in the meadows of Radkan, and as soon as his followers were gathered together from every side set out from thence at the head of a great army of Taziks and Turks, His pavilion was erected outside Herat, and his troops pitched tent after tent all round the town, like a bracelet about the arm. Mangonels were set in action upon either side, and battering rams moved with the speed of chargers; the towers were breached and the walls smashed to pieces. Now the governor (kutval) of the fortress, 'Izz-ad-Din Marghazi,4 was a man who had been polished and pruned by the experiences of life. He saw no other means of escape but to seek humbly for quarter. He therefore sent forward ambassadors [51] and accepted a heavy tribute, dispatching his own son to the Sultan as a hostage. At this the violence of the Sultan's anger abated and his acceptance of the people's request for pardon and forgiveness became a chain of gratitude about their necks. Meanwhile the Sultans of Ghur were gathering their forces and making ready to return to Khorasan. When the Sultan was* occupied with the siege of Herat they determined to avail themselves of the absence of the Khorazm-Shah and his allies from the lands and regions of that kingdom and to lead their armies thither. Receiving tidings of this the Sultan turned back by way of Marv-ar-Rud, while Sultan Shihab-ad-Din came up by way of Talaqan. Sultan Muhammad thought it would be prudent not to cross the river so that the water, like fire, might serve as a screen between the two armies. As for the troops they were divided in their minds whether to cross or to stay; and some actually crossed. As the Sultan had no mind for an encounter he decided to proceed to Merv. The men of Ghur followed in pursuit of the Sultan's army. Upon reaching 3 Which year ? Juvaini cannot mean Zul-Qa*da of the year 597 since on the iTth of Zul-Hijja of that year (ipth of September, 1201) the Khorazm-Shah had laid siege to Shadyakh. [See above, p, 317.] It seems most likely that he means Zul-Qa'da of the following year [August, 1202]. (M.Q.) 4 Le. of Merv. 318 11691-371 11691 Ala Ad Din Ata Malik Juvaini - - THE WORLD-CONQUEROR Sarakhs, he halted; and ambassadors passed to and fro between the two sides. The Sultan was asked to surrender some of the provinces of Khorasan, but because he disdained to accept tribute he would not agree and set out from Sarakhs for Khorazm. As for Sultan Shihab-ad-Din he led his army to Tus and wrenched out the wings and feathers of the inhabitants with tortures and confiscations. There being insufficient provisions for his army he forced the people to sell corn and sent men to carry off the grain which they had transported to Meshed (Mashhad~i-Tus) where it was under the protection of the tomb of the shrine. For these hard reasons, in addition to what had gone before, the minds of noble and base alike were filled with hatred of their rule, and the people had an even greater desire to attach themselves [52] to the Khorazm-Shah's party. At this juncture there came news of the death of his brother Ghiyas-ad-Din and Shihab-ad-Din beat the drum of departure. Upon reaching Merv he left Muhammad Kharang there. This Muhammad Kharang was one of the chief emirs and heroes of Ghur and, in bravery, the Rustam of the age. He made a raid on Abivard, where he took some of the Sultan's emirs prisoner and slew a number of people. From thence he proceeded to Tarq 5 to attack Taj-ad-Din Khalaj, who sent him his son as a hostage; and as he turned back the emir of Margha6 Hkewise sent him his son. Elated by this success he was returning to Merv when he received tidings that an army from Khorazm was approaching the city by way of the desert. He turned to meet them, and when the two armies came together the winds of the Sultan's fortune began to blow from the direction of Divine Assistance and the hearts of his adversaries began to tremble. And though the army of Khorazm was not the half of the army of Ghur they charged down upon them and put them to flight. By a thousand wiles Kharang succeeded in entering Merv, but the army of Khorazm arrived before the town and making a 5 Unidentified. The spelling is uncertain but may be the same as that of the village called Tarq in Central Persia. See le Strange, The Ltmis of&e Eastern Caliphate, 209 and 449. 6 The castle near Merv. See above, pp. 154 and 165. 319 11691-372 11691 Ala Ad Din Ata Malik Juvaini - - THE HISTORY OF breach in the walls took him prisoner. For fear of his fury one of the emirs at once dealt him a blow and his head was dispatched to Khorazm, where the Sultan disavowed the killing. When news of his death reached Sultan Ghiyas-ad-Din,7 he was filled with anxiety and bewilderment and overwhelmed with weakness and impotence, for Kharang had been the mainstay of the Sultans of Ghur and [53] their bulwark in battle; and his strength of arm and courage were such that on several occasions they had commanded him to engage in combat with a lion8 and an elephant and he vanquished both. When the Sultans made him fight with these beasts every few days he killed them both and said: * How long must I fight with a dog and a pig ? * He would break the leg of a three-year old horse. After the Sultan's troops had won this victory the Pillars of State began to urge him to attack the kingdom of Herat,9 which kingdom they decked out to appeal to his heart and eye. c The elder brother, Ghiyas-ad-Din,* they said, * is now removed, and his sons are quarrelling among themselves about the kingdom and the inheritance. The greater part of the emirs are inclined in favour of the Sultan, and since his exalted banners have cast their shadow over those regions, most of them have been clutching the handle of fortune/ These words produced a most pleasant effect upon the Sultan's heart, and dreams of wealth became pictures upon his mind. In Jumada I, 600 [January, 1204], he set out for Herat with a well-equipped army of warriors adorned with bravery and valour. Now Alp-Ghazi, the chief emir of Ghur, had been appointed governor of Herat. When the Sultan's retinue arrived before the town they set up the royal pavilion. Mangonels were then aimed at the towers and from every side stones rained down like hail upon the bazaars and streets so that it became impossible for people to walk about. The inhabitants began to despair, and Alp-Ghazi caused ambassadors to intercede. * I have/ he said, * full authority from the Sultan to make peace and so ensure that the path of unity 7 So in all the MSS. for Shihab-ad-Din. (M.Q.) 8 Or perhaps a tiger. See above, p. 257, n. 30. 9 I.e. the kingdom of the Ghurids. 320 11691-373 11691 Ala Ad Din Ata Malik Juvaini - - THE WORLD-CONQUEROR be trodden and the customs of orthodoxy observed. No one shall henceforth molest Khorasan neither shall the Sultan's men in any way molest or injure these regions/ In addition to these agreements and covenants he undertook to pay a huge tribute and went surety for the Ghuris' good faith. The Sultan for his part, wishing to lance the abscess of strife and rancour [54] and so spare the lives and honour of fellow Moslems, gladly accepted the offers of Alp-Ghazi and the people of Herat and protected them from losing their lives and property. Alp-Ghazi came to wait upon the Sultan, and the floor of the audience-hall was bruised by the touch of his lips and his forehead covered with dust from his prostrating himself in thanksgiving. In accordance with their treaty the Sultan sent him back to the town after loading him with honours, and Alp-Ghazi, in order to collect the tribute which he had undertaken to pay, opened the hand of oppression and exaction against the people and began to extract it from them by such means. When the Sultan heard of his tyranny and violence, he did not neglect the obligations of justice towards the people and considered the waiving of this condition to be a more lasting treasury and a stouter bastion. In fulfilment of the treaty he withdrew. His army laid waste the region of Badghis10 and were heartened by the capture of goods and cattle, although they were in fear and dread of the Sultan on account of that pillaging. He proceeded to Merv, and Alp-Ghazi, who had been dismissed from the service of Sultan Shihab-ad-Din for undertaking to effect a reconciliation, reached the appointed time only two or three days after the Sultan's departure. In order to take his revenge Sultan Shihab-ad-Din was again preparing to go to war and this time he intended to begin by attacking Khorazm. When news of his intention reached the Sultan, he practised caution by acting with decision and returned to Khorazm by way of the desert. In this way he raced the army of Ghur, which exceeded ants or locusts in their numbers, and arriving in his capital, informed the people of that army's 10 Badghis is now a district of Afghanistan, to the north of Herat on the frontier with Turkmenistan. 321 11691-374 11691 Ala Ad Din Ata Malik Juvaini - - THE HISTORY OF approach, and announced the occurrence of that unexpected calamity. The whole population, inwardly boiling with zealous rage and outwardly agitated with fear of humiliation and abasement, with one heart and voice agreed to resist and fight, to oppose and repel, and all [55] of them busied themselves with the provisions of arms and implements of war such as swords and lances. The revered imam Shihab-ad-Din of Khivaq,11 who was a pillar of the Faith and a bulwark of the realm, went to every extreme in his efforts to discomfit the enemy and repulse them from harem and homeland, and in sermons from the pulpit he gave sanction for battle in accordance with the true tradition: f Whoso is slain in defence of Us life anH property, the same is a martyr.' On this account the zeal and good will of the people were redoubled, and they set to work as one man. Meanwhile, the Sultan had sent relays of messengers to every part of Khorasan to summon infantry and cavalry, having also sought aid from the giir-kban. He fixed his camp on the bank at Nuzvar,12 and within only a few days seventy thousand men of action and spirit had been gathered together. Meanwhile the army of Ghur, with so many troops and elephants and with such bustle and clangour that, had they wished, they could have turned the Oxus into a plain and made the plain an Oxus with blood, pitched their camp opposite on the eastern bank.13 The Sultan of Ghur ordered them to seek a ford in order to cross the next day and trouble the drinking-place of the Sultan's pleasure. And he began to dispose his elephants and instruct his men in order that next day at dawn they might fashion the cup of battle out of human skulls. Suddenly news came that Tayangu14 of Taraz,15 the commander of the army of Qara-Khitai, was approaching 11 The later Khiva. 12 Reading NWZWAR for the NWRAWE. of the text. On Nuzvar see Barthold, Trnketim, 148 and 155. 13 Barthold, of, df., 350, n. 5, comments that * perhaps not the main river bed but the channel flowing near Gurganj is intended*. 14 TAYNKW. This was probably the man's title rather than his name: tayangu in Old Turkish means * chamberlain *. 15 Taraz or Talas, the kter Aulie-Ata and the present-day Jambul, on the river Talas. 322 11691-375 11691 Ala Ad Din Ata Malik Juvaini - - THE WORLD-CONQUEROR with a fire-like host and that with him was the Sultan of Sultans of Samarqand. When the people of the elephant1S realized that the Lord of Lords had cast their plotting into confusion and lhat from war and battle could come nought but despair, they thrust back the sword of combat into the belt of retreat and chose to flee rather than to stay; and despite [56] disappointment and loss of honour complied with the proverb: This is not thy nest, depart then from a dwelling that lefits tbee not. Shihab-ad-Din commanded his men to bum the baggage in the night and sew up the eye of sleep; and from excess of aberration and perversity they hamstrung the horses and the camels. As they retreated the Sultan pursued them like a raging lion or a jealous stallion as far as Hazar-Asf, where they turned and gave battle. The Sultan's army charged their right wing, and the standards of the Ghuris were overturned and their fortune reversed. Many of their emirs and leaders fell into the bonds of captivity, and the rest of them limped and stumbled through the waterless wilderness * like some bewildered man whom the Satans have spell-bound in the desertJ.17 The army of Khorazm continued to follow angrily at their heels, like stallions in pursuit of mares, until by infamous wiles they passed through Saifabad.18 The Sultan, enveloped in gracious bounty and submerged in bounteous grace, turned back possessed of wealth, and elephants, and camels, and horses; and Auspicious Fortune through the tongue of Predestined Felicity inspired men's hearts with the verse: ' God promised you the taking of a rich booty and sped it to you! 19 The Sultan gave a feast in Khorazm, and one of his courtiers asked Firdaus of Samarqand, a minstrel girl, for a quatrain suitable to the occasion. She extemporized as follows: O king, the Ghuri escaped from thee in confusion; Like a chicken he escaped from the kite. 16 A reference to Koran, cv, where by ' the people of the elephant * are meant the forces of Abraha, the Abyssinian viceroy of the Yemen, who marched against Mecca in the year of the Prophet's birth. See Nicholson, A Library History of the Arabs, 65-9. 17 Koran, vi, 70. 18 Unidentified. 19 Koran, xlviii, ao, A A 323 11691-376 11691 Ala Ad Din Ata Malik Juvaini - - THE HISTORY OF He alighted from his horse and hid his lace; The king gave thee his elephants and escaped being killed.20 As for the army of Ghur, when they reached Andkhud21 they saw what they saw; for the army of Khitai overtook them [37] and encompassed them on every side. And from dawn till dusk either side fought with sword and lance, and many perished. On the next day, when the standard of the sun was raised upon the walls of the horizon and the solar scouts appeared from behind the Eastern curtain, the army of Khitai showed their mettle and charged all together. The neck of their opponents* resistance was broken and the hand of conflict tied; aU that were left of the army, viz. 50,000 men, were slain in battle, and Sultan Shihab-ad-Din found himself alone in the centre with some 100 men. By means of a ruse he flung himself into the citadel of Andkhud; but the army of Khitai breached a hole in the wall and he was on the point of being captured when the Sultan of Samarqand sent him the following message: 'For the honour of Islam I should not like a Moslem Sultan to fall into the snare of unbelievers and be slain at their hands. It is advisable therefore for thee to offer as ransom for thy person all that thou hast in the way of elephants and horses and immovable and movable property. On this pretext I will seek to mediate on thy behalf and obtain the consent of this people.* Sultan Shihab-ad-Din offered everything that he had as a ransom and all at once the contents of the treasuries and arsenals were scattered as largesse. By a thousand wiles he obtained his release through the intercession of the Sultan of Samarqand and got away with his life at a time when f no time was it of escape \ M If we return sajt with honourable souls that hoped for something hft mere iisappomted in their hope, 20 The second two lines have a double meaning and may also be translated as follows: From being a knight he became a pawn and hid [covered] the castle. The king surrendered the bishops to thee and so became checkmated. 21 The present-day Andkhui in Northern Afghanistan. 22 Koran, xxxviii, 2. 324 11691-377 11691 Ala Ad Din Ata Malik Juvaini - - THE WORLD-CONQUEROR Our souls are the best of all spoils: they return with their sap and their life in them.23 [58] When the Sultan of Ghur arrived in his own country stripped of his army and treasure and displaying a hundred thouand blemishes, the Sultan sent one of his chamberlains to him with the following message: * It was your men who started these hostilities and "the aggressor is the more unjmt", but henceforward let the paths of concord be followed and the highway of discord closed/ Sultan Shihab-ad-Din for his part confirmed the terms of peace with mighty oaths and bound himself to aid and assist the Sultan whenever he so commanded; and a pact was concluded between the two Sultans to this effect. However, two months later a part of the army of Ghur assembled in the confines of Talaqan, and Taj-ad-Din Zangi, who was the instigator of this rebellion, made an attack on Marv-ar-Rud (which was to result in his losing his head), drove the revenue official famil) unexpectedly into the snare of destruction and began to stir up oppression, and arouse tyranny, and extort money. News of this reached the Sultan, and he dispatched Badr-ad-Din Chaghir from Merv and Taj-ad-Din cAli from Abivard to repel these disturbers of the peace. After the battle Zangi, together with ten of the emirs, was sent in chains to Khorazm, where in punishment for their actions their heads—-far le it from my listeners!—were severed from their bodies. The violence of these disturbances was allayed and the realm was at peace. But though the ropes of solemn oaths were spliced together between the two Sultans, yet Sultan Shihab-ad-Din because of chagrin for what had passed was gnawing the back of his hand and, in preparation for action, was assembling troops and manufacturing weapons on the pretext of an expedition against the infidel. Finally, in the year 602/1205-6 he took it into his head to make a beginning by an inroad into India for the purpose of mending the affairs of his retainers and followers, who had 23 Abdallah b. 'Utaiba, one of the chief men of Basra. Quoted by 'Utbi in his history. See Shaikh Ahmad al-Manini, Shark~al-Yaminlf Cairo ed., II, 417. (M.Q.) 325 11691-378 11691 Ala Ad Din Ata Malik Juvaini - - THE HISTORY OF lost all their gear and accoutrement during the last few years of campaigning in Khorasan.2* Upon arriving in India, he was able by one victory that God granted him to repair all the deficits of treasury and army* He turned back for the homeward journey and forded the Jhelum.25 [59] His pavilion was erected on the bank of the river26 so that half of it extended over the water; and no care was taken to guard that side againstfdati. Suddenly, in the middle of the day at the time of the Sultan's siesta two or three Indians27 emerged from the water as unexpectedly as fire and threw themselves into the pavilion, where he was lying forgetful of the waiting and watching of foes and oblivious to the perversity of Fate. They turned the bright day into black night for the army by destroying the king, and spoiled for him the flavour of the food of life. When our doom awaits us, of what avail is the might of man ? And when fortune wanes of what assistance are quantities of elephants ? All his gear and accoutrement, all this white and black profited him nothing. 24 The purpose of the expedition seems rather to have been to quell a rising of the Khokars and the tribes of the Salt Range. See Juzjani tr. Raverty, 481-2, Rashid-ad-Din tr. Smirnova, 156-7, Haig, Turks and Afghans, 47-8. 25 Reading JYLM, ie» Jelam, for the HYLY of the text, as suggested by M.Q. 26Ji»J«% i.e. the Indus. Barthold, Turkestan, 352, takes this for the Oxus, but in Juvaini, as M.Q. has pointed out in his introduction to Vol. II, x, this name is applied to any large river such as, for instance, the Kur in the Caucasus and the Jaxartes or Syr Darya. 27 It is not clear from Juvaini's account whether the assassins were or were not jOJis, i.e. agents of the Isma'ilis; and Rashid-ad-Din (Smirnova, 158) implies that they were Khokars. On the other hand Juzjani (Raverty, 484-5) states specifically that Shihab-ad-Din * attained martyrdom at the hand of a disciple of the Mulahidah'. Haig, op. at., 48, discusses the various versions of the assassination and concludes that though the Khokars * were perhaps privy to the design, and, if so, certainly furthered it, the actual assassins appear to have been fanatical Shiahs of the heretical Ismaili sect'. The scene of his death, according to both Juzjani (Raverty, 484 and 486) and Rashid-ad-Din (Smirnova, 157), was a place called Damyak; and the date is given in a quatrain quoted by Juzjani (Raverty, 486) as the 3rd of Sha'ban, 602, Le, die I5th of March, I20<5. The position of Damyak is not known, but it was probably situated on the northern bank of the Indus. Raverty, however, loc. at., n. 5, thinks it most likely that it was a little to the west of the Jhelum. 326 11691-379 11691 Ala Ad Din Ata Malik Juvaini - - THE WORLD-CONQUEROR All who ruled and were obeyed and possessed wealth and valiant troops Reigned for a while and were chiefs and leaders and then became nothing hut the theme of conversation.** [60] So many times had he toiled that the Sultan might have the profit of his toil! Still stranger was the case of the malik of Bamiyan, his close kinsman, himself wasting away and yet awaiting the approach of Shihab-ad-Din's end. When by the latter's death he attained his long-cherished wish he thought that the branches of his desire had borne fruit and that the garden of his fortune was become fresh and verdant. Without any pause or delay he travelled two stages in the space of one and traversed three parasangs in a single spurt. He was on the verge of realizing his wish when Death, by the decree of the Almighty, charged out from ambush and cut off the caravan of his life, which was fully loaded with the ambitions of this world. For a throne was substituted a bier, and misery took the pkce of felicity. If any man attains a wish from his life in this worldf Fate causes the alif to fall from ii} Because from her is the origin of his composition, when hoth ends of his wish are elided?* Now these events were the cause of the Sultan's fortune, as shall be set forth in another chapter. [in] [6l] HOW THE KINGDOM OF THE SULTANS OF GHUR PASSED INTO THE HANDS OF SULTAN MUHAMMAD WHEN Sultan Shihab-ad-Din departed from this vile abode to the eternal mansion, his slaves, each of whom had become a 28 Abul-Faraj Ahmad b. 'AH K Khalaf of Hamadan, a contemporary of Tha'alibi and quoted by him in the Tatimmat-al-Yatima. (M.Q.) See EghbaTs ed., II, 99. 29 If the initial alif of AMNYH (mtfya) ' wish' is elided there remains MNYH (mawya) ' death'; and when the final ha is also removed there remains MNY (marif) 'seminal fluid*. (M.Q.) 327 11691-380 11691 Ala Ad Din Ata Malik Juvaini - - THE HISTORY OF local ruler, now achieved independence within the territory under their sway* Thus Qutb-ad-Din Ai-Beg was for a time ruler of Delhi and the frontiers of India and carried out several great expeditions against the infidel of that country. When he died and left no male heir, a slave of his own, Il-Tutmish by name, renowned for his intelligence and acumen, was set upon the throne as his successorx and received the laqab of Shams-ad-Din. His fame spread through the greater part of India and into every land and country: there are many tales and traditions regarding his campaigns and victories. The countries along the Indus including Ucha,2 Multan, Lahore and Peshawar were seized by Qubacha [62] and were afterwards conquered by Sultan Jalal-ad-Din, as shall be mentioned in the proper place. Zavulistan3 and Ghaznin4 after many uprisings and disturbances were taken by Taj-ad-Din Ilduz, who became the ruler of that area. Herat, Ghiyas-ad-Din s capital, and Firuzkuh5 were occupied by his son the Emir Mahmud. As is usual with heirs, he devoted himself to drinking and pleasure, to extravagance and frivolity; and because of the cheerful sound of the harp could not reconcile himself to the hardships of war. And since the emirs saw in his actions nought but softness and langour, and weakness and impotence, there arose a disagreement among the notables and chief men, and 'Izz-ad-Din Husain, son of Kharmil, the governor of Herat, who was the pride and the bulwark of the Sultan's kingdom, anticipated the other emirs 1 In fact Ai-Beg was succeeded by his son Aram Shah, who was however dethroned by Il-Tutmish after reigning for less than a year. See Haig, Turks (mi Afghans, 50-1. 2 Reading AWC A for the AWjA of the text, i.e. Uch on the Chenab in the State of Bahawalpur. s Zavulistan (or Zabulistan) was the name given to the mountainous country along the upper waters of the Hdmand. * Ghaznin is another form of Ghazna (now Ghazni). 6 Identified by Holdich, The Gates (flniia, 222-3, with Taiwara in the Ghur valley. ' Taiwara is locally known as Ghur, and may be absolutely on the site of the ancient capital, for there are ruins enough to support the theory. . . . There is ... absolutely no difficulty in traversing these Taimani mountain regions in almost any direction, and the facility for movement, combined with the beauty and fertility of the country, all point unmistakably to Taiwara and its neighbourhood as the seat of the Ghuri dynasty of the Afghan kings.' 328 11691-381 11691 Ala Ad Din Ata Malik Juvaini - - THE WORLD-CONQUEROR in swearing allegiance to Sultan Muhammad (may God make bright his example!) and sent message after message and messenger after messenger to him urging him first of all to advance against Herat and annex that kingdom to his other dominions. Now at that time the Sultan was apprehensive of the Khan of Khitai6 fearing lest he should steal a march on him and take possession of Balkh and the adjoining territory, which had been in the hands of the Sultans of Ghur and lay close to the kingdom of Khitai. Wishing, therefore, in the first place to keep off the Turks of Khitai he refrained from approaching that area [in person] but sent a messenger to Shadyakh to bid the army of Khorasan proceed to Herat. e!zz~ad-Din, son of Kharmil, came out to welcome them and surrendered the town to them, and trod not the road of resistance. He was greatly distinguished by the Sultan with all kinds of gifts and presents [63] and received also a patent with togbra conferring that territory upon him. Meanwhile the other emirs, who sided with the Emir Mahmud, united to attack the Sultan's army. But before they could bestir themselves the Sultan's army charged down upon them like a lion leaping upon its prey or a falcon attacking a mountain partridge. They dispersed and scattered the whole of them, and sent bearers of these good tidings to the Sultan, and craved his presence with them; and whilst awaiting the arrival of the royal standards they halted by the way. When the Sultan arrived in the region of Balkh, the commanders of the castles came to wait on him and hastened to surrender the keys of their strongholds. As for the governor of Balkh, 'Imad-ad-Din, who was the chief emir of Bamiyan, he at first breathed hotly the breath of devotion to the Sultan and was constantly giving voice to claims of allegiance and loyalty to his Court. But when the royal banners rose up upon the desert horizon it became as clear as the sun that his claims were illusory and his words inconstant; for relying upon the fortress of Hinduvan, which was a stout stronghold and a firm foundation, he broke his promise and assembled therein choice treasuries of jewels and money. The victorious army, both horse and foot, sat down like a bracelet 8 I.e. Qara-KhitaL 11691-382 11691 Ala Ad Din Ata Malik Juvaini - - THE HISTORY OF around the walls of the fortress and rained down arrows and missiles until the foundations began to collapse and the garrison to turn their backs in flight. And since there was no other cure to c!mad-ad-Din*s hurt save submission and subjection, by force of necessity, not from choice, he began to knock at the door of supplication and sued for quarter. The Sultan granted his request lest he should take fright and treated him with greater indulgence than he had expected, promising to confirm him in the possession of the territories of which he was governor. When he came out of the fortress and kissed the floor of the audience-hall, he was distinguished by the greatness of the royal attentions and the abundance of the kingly favours he received; the bird of his security began to soar over the horizon of protection; and the distinction he enjoyed in the banquet of conviviality made him the envy alike of man and jinn—€ and the Lord knoweth what their breasts concealJ.7 [64] Suddenly the patrols seized a letter from the hands of the couriers and brought it to the Sultan. The contents of that letter, which was addressed to the governor of Bamiyan, consisted of nothing from beginning to end but belittling of the Sultan's cause and warnings against yielding obedience and allegiance to him. The Sultan placed that epistle in his hand saying: (" Read thy book: there wantetb none but thyself to make out an account against the this day." *B He fell to the ground, and since his tongue could pronounce no excuse for his treachery, the Sultan declared that his violation of his covenant called for his release from the noose of life, but that since the tongue of pardon had granted his comprehension in the royal favour, in chivalry it might not be held lawful by the code of magnanimity to make any change or alteration therein. He therefore sent him to Khorazm together with all he desired in the way of choice treasures and congenial companions. \ His son was in the castle of Tirmiz. Upon receiving news of his father he decided to refuse to come out. However his father sent a confidential messenger to upbraid and threaten him; 7 Koran, xxviii, 69. 8 Itid., xvii, 15. The Arabic word for * book' also means ' letter \ 330 11691-383 11691 Ala Ad Din Ata Malik Juvaini - - THE WORLD-CONQUEROR and he came down and, at the Sultan's command, surrendered Tirmiz to the Sultan of Samarqand. The Sultan then entrusted the region of Balkh to Badr-ad-Din Chaghir and strengthened his hand with a large army. Having cleansed that area of the impurities of internal disturbances the Sultan decided to proceed to Herat Triumphant and victorious he set out by way of Jurzuvan,9 with Time submissive to his command and the revolution of the heavens in accordance with his desire. Bearers of the glad ridings proceeded to Herat, and the inhabitants rejoiced and were of good cheer. The nobles hastened out to accord him a dutiful welcome, whilst the other classes busied themselves with decorating the town. They adorned the thoroughfare through the markets and streets with all kinds of gold-embroidered garments and hung up images and pictures. In the middle of Jumada I of that year10 the Sultan entered the town with such equipage and majesty as no eye had ever seen and such elegance and good order as no ear had ever heard of. Cherubs preceded him crying [65] e feEnter ye therein in peace, secure"'u and the people praised God, saying, (" Praise k to God, Lord of the world!" *12 The Sultan strengthened the foundations of justice and under the shadow of his mercy and equity brought peace and repose to the whole people; and all the local rulers came to make obeisance to him. Thus the malik of Sistan hastened to his Court and was enrolled among the dignitaries of the kingdom: in the attentions and favours he received he was distinguished above all his coevals. The Sultan likewise sent eAUama of Kerman to win over the Emir Mahmud, whom he encouraged with many promises. The following verse about the Emir Mahmud is taken from a 9 Jurzuvan or Gurzuvln was situated either at QaTa Wali or at Takht-i-Khatun in north-western Afghanistan east of Bala Murghab. See le Strange, The Lands of the Eastern Caliphate, 424 and n. i. 10 What year ? There has been no previous mention of any year in this chapter. Ibn-al-Athir records this event sub anno 603/1206-7. (M.Q.) 11 Koran, xv, 46. 12JWvi, I- 33* 11691-384 11691 Ala Ad Din Ata Malik Juvaini - - THE HISTORY OF 11691-385 11691 Ala Ad Din Ata Malik Juvaini - - THE WORLD-CONQUEROR [IV] OF WHAT BEFELL KHARMIL AFTER THE SULTAN'S RETURN HAVING placed the government of the countries of Herat in the grasp of Kharmil, the Sultan turned his reins homewards and thereafter busied himself with all kinds of other matters such as raids and expeditions against the infidel. Rumours spread abroad that he had perished in an attack upon the army of Khitai, and the demon Temptation stuffed KharmiTs brain with foolish imaginings and the vanities of pride took up their abode in his nature. He sent an emissary to Sultan Mahmud, and since to oppose the Sultan was to agree with them1 they promised him all kinds of benefits, and he again struck coin and read the kbutla in the name of the Ghuris and imprisoned such as claimed some connection with the Sultan's court. However, when the news spread of the Sultan's return and triumphant entry into Khorazm, Kharmil was frightened at his own stupidity (kbar-maill) and in dread of the violence and fury of the Sultan's anger. He had recourse to insincere excuses and sought by falsification and dissimulation to conceal his shortcomings from the Sultan and to be exempted from the duty of hastening to his presence. The Sultan pardoned and forgave him and saw fit to condone his offences. The men of Ghur, perceiving his hypocrisy and duplicity, and realizing that he again supported the court of Khorazm, prepared to attempt his life. Becoming aware of their secret intention Kharmil applied to the Sultan's officers in Khorasan and besought their [67] aid. Most of the leading men set out for Herat and encamped outside the town. After obtaining an oath from them and craving the Sultan's protection Kharmil came out, and all agreed as to the extirpation and destruction of the army of Ghur. On this account the words: * At early dawn y 11691-386 11691 Ala Ad Din Ata Malik Juvaini - - THE HISTORY OF to the source of the Ghuris' power, and all their followers were scattered. When KharmiTs duplicity became apparent, men ceased to repose confidence in his words or deeds, because in the first place he had for no reason entered the noose of obedience and had then, without any motive of fear or dread, divested himself of the garb of allegiance. On account of such suspicions accusations were made against him before the Sultan, to whom messages were sent, saying: * Herat is a forest whereof he is the lion, and an ocean whereof he is the leviathan. If you neglect to deal with him, there will be distraction of minds and hearts.* The Sultan accordingly sent a message to the emirs ordering them to remove him and excise the source of his corruption. They continued to treat him with courtesy in their wonted manner and still kept treading the path of gaiety and joviality. Finally, one day, they summoned him for a consultation and closeted themselves with him. They discoursed on all manner of topics, and when they had finished the mdik of Zuzan, Qivam-ad-Din, invited him to his house ostensibly to take food and drink; but he persisted in refusing, giving frivolous excuses (? ti-bahana-yi-takhfjf). The mdik of Zuzan then openly seized the reins of his horse and signalled to the chief officials to unsheathe the swords of death. His followers were scattered and he was dragged on foot into a tent. From thence they sent him to the castle of Salumid3 near Khaf and pillaged his movable and immovable property. Several days later they sent his head to Khorazm. His chief supporter and mainstay [68] was a person called Sa*d~ad-Din Rindi, a man of shrewdness and intelligence, not a fool or a glutton. He now escaped like a fox from the hunter and took refuge in the citadel of Herat. Together with him the followers of Kharmil had no desire but to repel attack, and the ruffians (aubiish) and libertines (rindi) of Herat made ready to resist in the company of Rindi. He distributed Kharmirs 8 Salumid, the Salumidh of the Hudud, also known as Salumak and Salam, is presumably the present-day Salami to the north-west of Khaf on the road to Turbat-i-Haidari. 334 11691-387 11691 Ala Ad Din Ata Malik Juvaini - - THE WORLD-CONQUEROR treasuries and all his possessions as largesse among the common people and such of them as had previously possessed nothing but a stick now became men of wealth and affluence. On this account they had, likeJi&Vj, taken their lives in their hands and prepared themselves for war and battle. At this juncture, Kozli4 drew his hand out of the sleeve of rebellion in Shadyakh, as shall be described in the following chapter. The Sultan came from Khorazm to Shadyakh and from thence to Sarakhs. Now when during Hindi's rebellion envoys were sent to him to reproach and rebuke him for an action which ill befitted his condition he used to excuse himself by saying: * I am a faithful servant of the Sultan and only await the arrival of the royal standards to surrender the town and perform the ceremonies of fealty; for I place no trust in the word of the emirs/ This statement was reported to the Sultan, and the emirs instigated him to proceed to Herat and urged him to hasten thither* When he arrived Rindi repented of what he had done and continued to offer resistance. The flame of the Sultan's anger flared up higher and he ordered the water of the river to be diverted against the walls and the bank of the moat to be piled with tree-trunks and rubbish. After some time had elapsed and the water had thoroughly soaked the walls, a dyke was opened and the water flowed back with a rush like the wind. The tower known as the Tower of Ashes collapsed, after which they filled in the moat in the neighbourhood of the gates and raised it up with earth and rubbish, thus affording access to the fighting men [69] on every side. One day Rindi was feasting a crowd of louts and ruffians, when the babadurs5 raised their standards upon the walls, and before that company had finished their breakfast they had the supper of revenge upon them. The crafty Rindi, perceiving his position to be hopeless, exchanged the robes of iniquity for 4 KZLY. C£ the Uzlti ' seeing' of Houtsma, Glossar, 99. 6 labaiw, a word yet to be borrowed fiom his victorious opponents, is here—-anachronisdcally—applied to Sultan Muhammad's own forces. The word still survives in modem Mongolian in the form bator. Cf. Ulan Bator, * the Red Hero *, as Urga, the capital of Outer Mongolia, is now called. 335 11691-388 11691 Ala Ad Din Ata Malik Juvaini - - THE HISTORY OF the rags of Sufism and sought in this way to conceal himself. The net of search was cast over the streets and bazaars until he was caught therein and dragged by the hair into the Sultan's presence. The latter then issued a proclamation that the soldiers should desist from pillage; and the shops of the town were re-opened that very day. As for Rindi he was brought to account and questioned regarding the treasuries and what he had unjustly taken from the citizens of the town; and he rendered up all that he had or knew o£ And in the end he was punished for his deeds, and Herat was purged of the impurities caused by the strife and tyranny of the unrighteous and was decked out with the bounteous justice of the Sultan. And from thence the Sultan set out for Khorazm. [V] OF KOZU AND HIS LATTER END KOZLI was a Turk, one of the kinsmen of the Sultan's mother. The emirate of Nishapur had been entrusted to him and the administration of that region was in his hands. Being informed of certain suspicions that the Sultan entertained against him, he took fright, and at the time of the siege of Herat, he suddenly withdrew,1 before the Sultan set out thither, and came to Shadyakh. Here he put out a rumour that the army of Khitai had entered Khorazm and that the Sultan had retired in precipitation from Herat and on that account had ordered him to strengthen the walls of Shadyakh. On this pretext he took possession of the town [70] and opened the hand of confiscation and oppression upon the officials of the Divan and the wealthy. He likewise set about strengthening the ramparts and walls and digging out the moat and sent an envoy to the court of Khorazm seeking to engage the Sultan for the time being with false pretences and misrepresentations until the town had been fortified. What he thought was that when these fortifications were com- 1 Apparently from the siege of Herat. 336 11691-389 11691 Ala Ad Din Ata Malik Juvaini - - THE WORLD-CONQUEROR plete and he was in possession of dinars and dirhems, the kingdom being in a state of disorder, the Sultan would fear the danger of the outcome and so would not forfeit the pleasure of safety but would meet him on equal terms and do him no harm. When his envoy arrived in Khorazm it was clear from the message he bore that Kozli had deviated from the path of rectitude, and the auspicious banners of the Lord of the Sultans of the age were borne forth at the head of an army beyond number, every soldier a Mount Bisutun2 in valour, the whirlwind of zeal fanning the flame of wrath in their nature and their flashing swords grinding all opponents in the dust. Kozli's envoy fled back to Shadyakh and reported what had happened. Not having the wherewithal to resist Kozli prepared for flight and together with his family and following left the town for the desert. The more eminent officials of the Divan such as Sharaf-al-Mulk (who was the vizier), Sayyid 'Ala-ad-Din the 'Alid, etc., as also the chief cadi Rukn-ad-Din Mughisi and other notables were compelled to accompany him. That same dark night with his Turks and Taziks he took the road to Turshiz. Upon his arrival there the governor (muhtasbam) 3 besought him to release the notables whom he had brought with him by compulsion. From fear, not free will, he left them in Turshiz, after seizing all their belongings, and then departed in the direction of Kerman. Meanwhile, on the nth of Ramazan, 604 [30th of March, 1208] the Sultan arrived at Shadyakh, from whence he visited the Shrine [71] of Tus 4 and then left for Sarakhs on his way to Herat. As for Kozli, he had had no success in Kerman and when he heard of the Sultan's departure from Khorasan, the craving for the soil of Shadyakh so fanned the flame of vain ambition in his being that he speedily returned from Kerman. Some persons arrived from Tabas with the news that he was coming back but that his destination was unknown. Then came tidings of his arrival in Turshiz. In the night of the third day when the dawn birds raised their lament, his son together 2 The great mountain to the north of Kermanshah on whose rocks were carved the famous Achaemenid inscriptions. 3 Muhtosbam was an Isma'ili title. 4 I.e. Meshed. 337 11691-390 11691 Ala Ad Din Ata Malik Juvaini - - THE HISTORY OF with some of his followers charged forward and cast turmoil and confusion into the town. The townspeople hastily closed the gates and the soldiers took up their positions on the walls. Kdzlfs son and his men circumambulated the town for a while and then encamped nearby, uncertain whether to stay or to depart. Suddenly by one of those chances which are due to the goodness and grace of the Lord of Favours there came news of the arrival in Tus of the kfahbad.5 Sharaf-al-Mulk dispatched a courier to report Kozli's rebellion and to crave the aversion of that evil. The isfahbad ordered a thousand horsemen to set out without delay. They fell upon Kozli, put him to flight and then began to plunder and pillage. Kozli and his men returned and charging down upon them, drove each of them into a [different] valley. However, when Kozli realized that he could not obtain admittance into the town, that the kfahbadkzd arrived in Shadyakh and that the Sultan was at the gates of Herat, he began to quiver like a bird with its throat cut and to tremble like a gazelle before the hawks and the hunters. He repented of his deeds and began to bite his fingers at the commission of rebellion, which was a pain without cure, and to consult with his followers as to whether they should depart or remain and what their destination and objective should be. Some said that they should seek the protection of the Sultan's mother and therefore proceed to Khorazm. A Turcoman from Yazir6 who was amongst them, said: * Our best course is to go to Yazir and make its strongholds [72] our refuge. I will go on ahead and devise some stratagem. It may be that I can at once easily obtain possession of a stronghold/ His words were in agreement with Kozli's wishes, and he sent him on in advance with a band of men. When he came to Yazir the townspeople perceived his intention and realized his treachery. They bound him and dispatched him in chains to the Sultan. When this plan too had broken in their jaws, their bewilderment increased and a difference of opinion arose between Kozli, 5 Le. the isfMai or ruler of Kabud-Jama, on which see below, p. 351, n. 3. 6 See above, jx 151, n. 8. 338 11691-391 11691 Ala Ad Din Ata Malik Juvaini - - THE WORLD-CONQUEROR his son and his followers. His son said: * We must go to Transoxiana and attach ourselves to the Khan of Khitai* His father said: ' Let us go to Khorazm and place ourselves under the protection of Terken Khatun.' Neither would accept the other's opinion, and Kozlfs son plundered his treasury and set out for Transoxiana. Upon reaching the ford over the Oxus he was met by a company of the Sultan's courtiers, who, after a furious struggle, took him and his followers prisoner and sent their heads to the Sultan. As for Kozli himself, when he arrived in Khorazm, Terken Khatun encouraged him with promises and said: * The cure [for thy affairs] is for thee to take up thy abode beside the tomb of Sultan Tekish, clad in garments of rags. Perhaps by this device the Sultan will be induced to pass over thy faults and offences/ He accordingly adopted the practices of Sufism beside the dust of Tekish, until Terken Khatun suddenly learnt that his head had been severed from his body and brought to the Sultan. And so the wind of that insurrection subsided, and the Sultan's justice was scattered upon the noble and the base, The revolving cupola, we can imagine, is appreciative of good and evil. It was in that same year, viz. 605/1208-9, that God Almigky showed His servants an example of the terror of Wben the Earth with her quaking shall quake';7 and it was by His grace that the beginning of that calamity was in broad daylight so that the whole of the people rushed out into the countryside [73] leaving all that they had in the town. All the mansions and palaces bowed their heads to the ground like worshippers and of the buildings of the town few only stood firm except the Mani'i mosques, [the buildings round] the square and the like thereof. And so it continued whilst for a time all the people remained in the open country. Nevertheless, 2000 men and women were buried beneath the walls, and in the villages so many perished that their numbers cannot be computed. The two villages of 7 Koran, xcix, i. BB—i. 339 11691-392 11691 Ala Ad Din Ata Malik Juvaini - - THE HISTORY OF Dana and Banask8 actually collapsed in a single instant and of the people inside them not a single soul escaped alive. God Almighty preserve us front the like thereof and the punishment of this world and the next! [VI] OF THE ACCESSION OF MAZANDARAN AND KERMAN WHEN Fortune began to smile upon the Sultan, important events would show their faces hour by hour from behind the veil of the unseen, without any effort or exertion on his part; and one such instance was the case of Mazandaran. When the Sultan set out for Transoxiana in the year 606/1209-1210 Shah-Ghazi,1 who was a descendant of King Yazdajird 2 and retained of the possessions of his ancestors only the interior of Mazandaran, chose out from amongst his sarhangs a person called Bu-Riza3 and showed him favour, exalting his rank so that he shared the kingdom with him and giving him his sister as wife. Bu-Riza*s authority became more absolute than that of a deputy and he began to aspire to the nobility of kinghood. He assassinated Shah-Ghazi in his hunting grounds, but the latter's sister, his own wife, acted like a man and put her husband to death with violent torture in vengeance for her brother. When Mengli4 had returned from waiting on the Sultan and had arrived in Jurjan he received news of this. Conceiving a desire for the kingdom of Mazandaran [74] he proceeded thither, took possession of Shah-Ghazi's treasures, which had 8 Neither place has been identified. The spelling of Banask (BNSK) is uncertain. * The isfabM or ispabU. NasIr~ad~Daula Shams-al-Muluk Shah-Ghazi Rustam was the last ruler of the House of Bavand. See Rabino, Mazandardn ant AsfardUd, 134-6- 2 Yazdajird III, the last of the Sassanians. 3 This was Abu-Riza Husain b. Muhammad al-'Alavi al Mamtuf. See Ibn-Isfandiyar tr, Browne, 257. 4Le. apparently Nasir-ad-Din Mengli, a skve of the atabei Muzaflfar-ad-Din Oz-Beg, who had made himself master of Persian Iraq. See below, ii, 701-2, also M.Q/s note, III, 407-8. 340 11691-393 11691 Ala Ad Din Ata Malik Juvaini - - THE WORLD-CONQUEROR come down to him from ancient kings and noble monarchs, and sought his sister's hand in marriage. She refused him and dispatching a messenger to the Sultan offered herself as his bride and her kingdom as dowry. The Sultan sent a deputy to take possession of Mazandaran and summon the woman to him, Desirous of marriage with the Sultan she came to Khorazm and he bestowed her on one of his emirs and a year later entrusted that kingdom to Amin-ad-Din of Dihistan. And so was that kingdom obtained which might not be procured by arms or armies. And in the next year, which was the year 607/1210-11, Kerman passed into his hands. [VII] OF THE CONQUEST OF TRANSOXIANA l AFTER the lands of Khorasan had been purged by him of the impurities of rebels, the notables and chief men of Transoxiana dispatched letter after letter to the Sultan calling upon him to turn in that direction and cleanse that region from the oppression and tyranny of the Khitayan tyrants; for they were weary of yielding obedience to idol-worshippers and had been humiliated by subjection to their command, especially the inhabitants of Bokhara; for a man from amongst the common people of that town, a person called Sanjar, the son of a shield-seller, had usurped authority over them and had seen fit to treat with contempt and contumely those to whom respect and honour were due. His name was changed to Sanjar-Malik and one of the wits of Bokhara composed the following quatrain about him: [75] Kingship is a precious and valuable thing, tut the son of the cutler [? maddai] would have it for nothing* Kingship and a throne are notfttingfor one whose father used to sell shields. 1A quite different version of the struggle between Sultan Muhammad and the Qara-Khitai is given in Chapter X. See Barthold, Turkestan, 355-9- Barthold concludes that * the second version is nearer the truth, although it also contains some statements which evoke great doubt". 11691-394 11691 Ala Ad Din Ata Malik Juvaini - - THE HISTORY OF At the same time the Sultan himself had had his fill of the domineering attitude of Khitai and the contemptuous behaviour of Khitayan envoys and ambassadors, and it irked him to pay the tribute, to which his father had agreed at the time when he sought the aid of Khitai against his brother Sultan-Shah. Year after year, the ambassadors of Khitai would come and he would pay that tribute, writhing with grief thereat and seeking a pretext for breaking the treaty. Finally, in the year . . M2 when the envoys of Khitai came as usual to collect the tribute headed by * Tushi,3 the latter, in their wonted manner, seated himself on the throne beside the Sultan and did not pay the proper respect to royalty. Since a noble soul disdains to endure the contempt of every base fellow, the Sultan ordered that foolish man to be crushed to pieces and his body thrown in the river; and in accordance with the verses: Thou mt mk* m Mgttm to this morlt therefore discharge thy Mts to it, for the sworl hath a just claim on thy hand* he openly declared his enmity and proclaimed his hostility, and in the year6 . .. . set out for that region. [76] When he had crossed the ford and reached Bokhara, the inhabitants were engulfed in the effects of his all-embracing justice and overflowing mercy and the whole area was made to blossom with the report of his copious equity; while the son of the shield-seller reteived the punishment of his deeds (in recompense of their works! 6 From Bokhara he proceeded to Samarqand sending on in advance messengers to the Sultan of Samarqand, Sultan 'Usman. The latter had become estranged from the giir-khan because of 2 There is a blank in A and B. C has ($07/1210 but this, as M.Q. points out, is inconsistent with the statement in the previous chapter (see above, p. 340) that Sultan Muhammad set out for Transoxiana in 606/1209. 3 The spelling of die name is quite uncertain. The text has TWYSY, for which I read TW§Y with C and E. The name is probably Chinese and is therefore not to be identified with that of Chingiz-Khan's eldest son. 4 From a qastfa by Afau-Bakr al-Khuwarizmi in praise of Shams-al-Ma'ali Qabus b. Vashmgir. It is quoted by 'Utbi in his history. (M.Q.) 5 * In the same year * according to C and D. There is a blank in A and B. 606/1209-10 must be meant or at the latest the beginning of 607/1210-11. (M.Q.) 6 Koran, xxxii, 17. 344 11691-395 11691 Ala Ad Din Ata Malik Juvaini - - THE WORLD-CONQUEROR his refusal to give him one of his daughters in marriage; he therefore hailed the auspicious arrival of the Sultan's retinue with joy and pleasure, of which the traces might be plainly seen on the brow of his circumstances* He agreed to obey and abide by the royal and imperial commands and prohibitions and read the kbttiba and struck coin in the Sultan's name. The people of Samarqand were ihen heartened by the Sultan's presence amongst thejjn, and the two monarchs consulted together as to how they should repel the gur-khan and agreed upon declaring a holy war against him and engaging him in battle. As a measure of precaution the Sultan ordered the gates of the town to be strengthened. He also appointed Tort-Aba,7 an emir related to his mother, to be his representative with the Sultan of Samarqand ; and they set about preparing for action and assembling their forces for battle. Meanwhile the Sultan himself set out from thence to conduct the holy war at the head of valiant warriors skilled in onslaught and attack. When news of this reached the gur-khan, he for his part ordered Tayangu, who was the embroidery (tiraz)* on the garment of his kingdom and had his post at Taraz, to place himself in readiness. Tayangu, with the arrogance of pride, mustered an army [in its numbers] like unto serpents [77] or ants. Having crossed the river at Fanakat the Sultan ordered the bridge that had been built for the passage of his troops to be destroyed so that they might set their hearts on honour and not disgrace themselves and bring shame upon their cause; but rather restore the water of Islam, which for some time past had been drained from the stream of those parts; and cast the water of true guidance upon the fire of that people's error or rather cast 7 Reading TRTBH for the TRTYH of the text. Barthold has adopted the form Burtana. The name appears to be a compound of the Turkish tort * four* and oka ' bear'. The second element might also be apa, on which see above, p. 148, n. 26. Houtsma, Glossar, 34, gives two examples of this type of compound : Aid-Bars from alt'i * six' and fcwr c panther * and Toquz-Temiir from toquz € nine * and temiir c iron'. Tort-Aba seems also to have been the name of Sultan Jalal-ad-Din's "Grand Huntsman* (amir-shMf), spelt by Nasawi (ed. Houdas, 198 and 244) TRT ABH. 8 Introduced for the sake of the word-pky with Taraz * Talas*. 343 11691-396 11691 Ala Ad Din Ata Malik Juvaini - - THE HISTORY OF the fire e whose fuel is men and stones, prepared for the infidel'9 upon those worshippers of the fire; so that perchance the arrested winds of Islam might again begin to blow, and the tempests of misfortunes destroy their lands, and the side wind of adversity ruin the harvest of those liars* desire, and cast the dust of the true faith in the eyes of those wretches, and force back the hands of those vile ones from the kingdom. He came as far as the steppe of Ilamish,10 whilst Tayangu with a mighty host, misled by conceit and self-delusion regarding his own strength and infatuated and encouraged by the number of his men and weapons, reached the ford over the Jaxartes, oblivious of God the Changer who saith, ta Be!" and it is' u Lean not upon water, or else thou wilt limn pictures on the water vainly like bubbles and wilt measure the wind. Now it so happened that they came face to face and opposed their ranks one to another on a Friday in Rabic I, 607 [Aug.~ Sept., 1210]. The Sultan commanded his men to behave in a careless and dilatory manner and to advance not a single step until the preachers of Islam had mounted their pulpits and uttered the prayer, ' O God, assist the armies and squadrons of the Moslems!' after which they should all attack on every side, and perhaps, in answer to the prayers of the preachers of Islam and the amens of the Moslems, God would vouchsafe the victory. In obedience to the Sultan's command they waited for that moment, the young men on either side engaging meanwhile in skirmishes and knights defeating pawns upon the chessboard of battle. Finally, when the oven of war had been heated, The noise of the kettle-drum and the clamour of the fife rose up; the earth rose out of its pkce like the heavens; The commanders raised their banners on high, the valiant warriors kid down their lives— [78] and on both sides bow and arrow were discarded and sword and dagger unsheathed. The sound of the tdkbir was 9 Koran, ii, 22. 10 In the northern part of the Andijan district according to Barthold, op. dt., 159- u Koran, ii, in. 344 11691-397 11691 Ala Ad Din Ata Malik Juvaini - - THE WORLD-CONQUEROR heard from the ranks of the Sultan and the shrilling of flute and whistle from the side of that Satan. Dust was stirred up like a cloud and swords were unsheathed like lightning. The Sultan became Lord of the banner of' Verily, We have won V2 whilst his enemies became the target of' We will surely take vengeance on the guilty ones *.13 The zephyr of divine grace began to blow and the bird of those miscreants* hearts to tremble. At the time of prayer the whole army raised a shout and charged down upon those wretches. At once the people of error14 became ' like tbe people of Saka V5 one man of the Sultan's army victorious and a thousand of the enemy defeated, a lion and a thousand gazelles, a hawk and a thousand partridges.16 The greater part of that sect of perdition were destroyed beneath the sword, and Tayangu himself was wounded in the battle and had fallen on his face like the subjects of the Khan of Khitai. A girl was standing over him and when someone tried to cut off his head she cried out: * It is Tayangu ! * and the man at once bound him up and carried him off to the Sultan. He was then sent to Khorazm together with the dispatches announcing the victory. And by this triumph the army waxed mighty and because of this favour they became possessed of fortune. Each achieved his object according to his desire, and all received in their embraces mistresses worthy of their longings. And by this victory, to which the words She hath two lovers, a pederast and an adulterer17 might have applied, Majnun attained to Laik and Vamiq to 'Azra;18 the devotees of wanton pastimes began to take their pleasure of moon-faced beauties; and the ambitious were 12 Koran, xlviii, i. 13 Ibid., xxxii, 22. 14iZw#: a pun on Khitai. 15 The Arabic proverb, ' (They departed} like the people of Saba? refers to the dispersion of the Sabaeans caused by the bursting of the Dyke of Ma'rib. See Nicholson, A Literary History of the Arab*; 15-17. 16 fibfi: according to Houtum-Sdhindler, Eastern Persian Irak, 3<5, the Sand-Partridge, Ammoperdix hnhmi, Gray (A. gnseogAaris, Brandt), a bird * found everywhere in Persia up to elevations of 7000 feet'. 17 From a well-known qasida by Abu-Nuwas. (M.Q.) 18 Majnun (* Madman', his real name was Qais aPAmirl) and Lafla are the Romeo and Juliet of the Arabs. Their story forms the subject of an epic 345 11691-398 11691 Ala Ad Din Ata Malik Juvaini - - THE HISTORY OF gratified by the acquisition of wealth and the amassing of horses and camels. And to every part of the Sultan's domains there set out a messenger bearing the glad tidings of the victory that had been won. And in every soul there was relief at these tidings and in every spirit ease from these victories; and dread of the Sultan was increased a thousandfold in the hearts of men. Now it was the custom to write * the Second Alexander * as one of Sultan Muhammad's titles. The Sultan said: * The reign of Sanjar was very long. [79] If these titles are written for good luck let them write " Sultan Sanjar * V And so Sultan Sanjar was added to his titles. The imam Ziya-ad-Din Farsi19 has a qatida on this victory and on the Sultan's being proclaimed as Sultan Sanjar. I shall set down a few verses of what I remember of it; it begins as follows: Thy face by its beauty has given perfection to the world of the soul; thy love by its kindness has given comeliness to the countenance of the heart. Now thy face has become the flame of the full moon; now thy locks have emitted the fragrance of the North wind. Behold the talisman whereby the night has been mixed with pure musk and thy ringlets given the colour of musk and moles. The joy he gave in my reunion with him was given by the arrival of the virtuous Chosroes, Sultan *Ala~yi-Dunya Sanjar, whom the Possessor of Glory has chosen out from His creatures and given pomp and glory, The King of the Persians, the Second Alexander, whose counsel commanded his followers to conquer the kingdom of the Turks. If the atmosphere of the age has been contaminated with infidelity, thy sword with the fragrance of its victory has restored it to salubrity. Like the Sun thy sword has appeared in the East of righteousness and has brought about the downfall of the kingdom of Error. by the Persian poet Nkami. See Browne, A Literary History of Persia, II, 406-8. The romance of Vamiq (Wamiq) and 'Azra (*Adhra), despite the Arabic nanxs of its hero and heroine, was said to have been compiled for the Sassanian monarch Nushirvan. (Hid., 275-6.) 19 A manuscript of the divan of this poet (not mentioned by Browne in his Literary History of Persia) was recently discovered by Professo* D. S. Robertson. See his note, A Forgotten Persian Poet of the Thirteenth Cenfmy. 11691-399 11691 Ala Ad Din Ata Malik Juvaini - - THE WORLD-CONQUEROR I have heard as follows from my cousin the late Sadr-i-Imam, the most excellent of the moderns, Shams-ad-DIn 'All son of Muhammad (may God envelop him in His mercy!) : * When messengers arrived in Shadyakh with the news that the Sultan had gained a victory over Khitai, all the people of the town, each in accordance with his temperament and circumstances, presented one another with gifts and addressed congratulations one to another. The order of ascetics offered thanks to God; the great men and notables feasted and revelled to the sound of timbal and flute; the common people rejoiced and made merry; the young men frolicked noisily in the gardens; and the old men engaged in talk one with another. With some others I called on my master Sayyid Murtaza the son of Sayyid Sadr-ad-Din (may God clothe them loth in the raiment of His mercy I). I found him sitting sad and silent in a corner of his house. We asked the reason for his grieving on so joyous an occasion. " O men of little heed/' he replied, " beyond these Turks are a people stubborn in their vengeance and fury [80] and exceeding Gog and Magog20 in the multitude of their numbers. And the people of Khitai were in truth the wall of Zul-Qarnain21 between us and them. And it is unlikely, when that wall is gone, that there will be any peace within this realm or that any man will recline in comfort and enjoyment. To-day I am in mourning for Islam/" What is seen by the young man in a mirror is seen by the greybeard in a baked brick. At the time when the Sultan returned in triumph from this campaign against the infidel, the malik of Otrar had been opposing righteous men, relying, as was his wont, upon strength and might; and although envoys were constantly being sent to 20 Gog (Ya'juj) and Magog (Ma'juj) personified the barbarous peoples of North-Eastern Asia. 21 Zul-Qarnain (Dhul-Qamain, * He of the Two Horns') was an epithet applied to Alexander the Great, who was said to have constructed a wall of brass and iron to keep out Gog and Magog. See Koran, xviii, 82-98, Hamdallah tr. le Strange, 236-7. The ' Wall of Gog and Magog * was in fact die Great Wall of China. BB*—i. 347 11691-400 11691 Ala Ad Din Ata Malik Juvaini - - THE HISTORY OF soften his attitude, he would not slip his head through the collar of obedience. He refused to dislodge from his brain the arrogance of pride and the vanity of riches, nor would he let himself be saved from the perils of ignominy by the prohibitions of admonition; and he turned aside from ' the straight path'22 by leaguing himself with Khitai. God Almighty hath said: c And what, now that guidance is come to them, letteth men from believing and from asking forgiveness of their Lord—unless they wait till that the doom of the ancients overtake them, or the chastisement come upon them in the sight of the universe ? '23 When the Sultan learnt of his obstinacy and presumption he set out to attack him. As he drew near to their territory, the people of Otrar, seeing the onrush of a raging flood in his vast host and realizing that it could not be stemmed by resistance, approached the malik in a body and said: * By thy rashness thou hast brought down upon us a ravenous lion whom it is inconceivable that we can overcome ; and thou hast forcibly and ignominiously cast thyself and us into the jaws of a leviathan. Try courtesy in this predicament and desist from thy rude behaviour.* The ruler of Otrar realized that it was impossible to strike a kite with the talons of falcons and he saw no way to mend his affairs save by submission. So he came out sword in hand but clad only in a linen shirt, being midway, as it were, between hope and despair, and laid his head upon the floor of the Sultan's tent begging forgiveness for his crimes and offences. The Sultan requited his sins and misdemeanours with pardon and [81] remission and spared his life and property on condition that he left Otrar and removed to Nisa (ha Nisi) with his horsemen and horses, bag and baggage, there to settle with his women (bd nisa)24t and men. In this way no blood was shed, and having dispatched the malik to Nisa, the Sultan turned back to Samarqand, where Sultan "Usman craved a pearl from the shell of the royal house and sought in marriage a full moon from the starry sky of majesty. 22" Guide Thou us on the straight path, the path of those to whom Thou bast ken gracious—with whom Thou art not angry, and who go not astray' (Koran i, 5-6.) 23IM, xviii, 53. 24The usual pun on Nisa. 11691-401 11691 Ala Ad Din Ata Malik Juvaini - - THE WORLD-CONQUEROR The Sultan honoured him by granting that boon, as shall be related in another chapter, and having appointed Tort-Aba, a relation of Terken Khatun, as sbahna of Samarqand, he left for Khorazm, the harbingers of good fortune upon his right and left and the lights of prosperity upon his neck and brow. His saddlecloth flung across the back of the Sun, his stirrup putting a ring in the ear of the Moon; The banner of Kava 25 over the king's head was like a wisp of cloud over the Moon. He pierced the forbidding mouth with a smile, he said * Keep back !' to the heavens from afar. Upon arriving in Khorazin the Sultan prepared a feast and caused Tayangu to be put to death and flung in the river. By this victory fear of the Sultan was increased a thousandfold in men's hearts and rulers upon every side sent relays of envoys and gifts to his court. The words ' Shadow of God upon earth * were written upon his auspicious togbra, and the chief scribe Fakhr-al-Mulk Nizam-ad-Din Farid of Jam composed the following verses: O king of kings, disposer of the world, thou art he from whose highmindedness the heavens might borrow. In the eye of thy highmindedness the world in its length and breadth seems smaller than an atom. All the pure cherubs of thy age, after performing the rites laid down by holy law, [82] Chant as a charm the words: f The Sultan is the shadow of God on earth! [vni] OF THE SULTAN'S RETURNING A SECOND TIME TO WAGE WAR ON THE GUR-KHAN DURING the Sultan s absence from Khorazm some remnants of the followers of Qadir Khan had breathed the breath of rebellion 25 totfdM&nfiriL The blacksmith Kava was the first to revolt against the tyrant Zahh5k (Dahak) ; and his apron, converted into a banner, became the national standard of Iran. 349 11691-402 11691 Ala Ad Din Ata Malik Juvaini - - THE HISTORY OF in the region of Jand* On that account the Sultan did not remain long in Khorazm but set out for Jand to excise the pus of their being ; whilst Sultan "Usman stayed behind to complete his nuptials. When the Sultan had extirpated that band of rebels, there came tidings that the army of Khitai had arrived at the gates of Samarqand and laid siege to the town. The Sultan set out in that direction from Jand ; and at the same time he sent messengers to every part of his kingdom, and summoned all the armies that he had upon every side, and raised levies from all his lands. Meanwhile he proceeded towards Samarqand, where the army of Khitai had for some time been encamped on the bank of the river at the gates of the town. They had fought seventy engagements, and each time they had been defeated and the army of Islam triumphant except on one occasion when they had been victorious and had driven the army of Samarqand into the town. They now perceived that they were achieving nothing by their fighting and would soon be in a desperate plight, since bread will not return once it has fallen into water. Moreover, from one direction came news of the Sultan's approach and from the other reports of Kuchliig Khan's conquests. They therefore withdrew under cover of a truce. When [83] the Sultan arrived in Samarqand the armies came together from every side and he departed from the town. Meanwhile the governor of Ighnaq,1 who though a Moslem had not the character of one on account of his sympathy with the people of hypocrisy and contention, had refused to do his duty, although the Sultan had several times called on him to yield obedience and had encouraged him with fair promises; but because he had fortified himself in a castle which he held Satan had blown the wind of pride into his brain. The Sultan dispatched a detachment from a great army, nay a wave from a raging sea, which, upon arriving there, after some time brought him down Ighnaq (AFNAQ) or Yighnaq (YTNAQ), according to Yaqut, was a town in Turkestan, a dependency of Banakat. (M.Q.) Barthold, Turkestan, 356, n. 7, suggests its identity with Yughank, a village near Samarqand 133). 3SQ 11691-403 11691 Ala Ad Din Ata Malik Juvaini - - THE WORLD-CONQUEROR from his castle and sent him in chains and shackles to the Sultan. The Sultan now heard of Kiichliig's victories over the Khitayans, and he became more ambitious. Kiichlug's envoys approached him in secret and an agreement was reached between them that first of all the$?r-41w» must be removed : if the Sultan gained the victory over him he should receive all territory as far as Khotan and Kashgar, and if Kiichlug was the victor he should have everything as far as the river at Fanakat. After they had arrived at this understanding, Kiichliig was on one occasion victorious and on another defeated, as has been recorded in the chapter on the Qara-Khitai.2 The Sultan now advanced beyond Samarqand, and the giir-kban receiving tidings thereof likewise made his preparations. When the armies drew near together the isfahbad of Kabud-Jama 3 and Tort- Aba, the fatsqaq 4 of Samarqand [84] joined in a conspiracy against the Sultan and sent a messenger in secret to the gur-kban to say that on the day of battle they and their troops would desert the Sultan on condition that, after the gtir-kbans victory, Khorazm should be ceded to Tort- Aba and Khorasan to the isfabttad. In his reply the giir-kban promised the double of what they had asked. The two armies now came face to face and charge after charge was made [by either side]. The left wing of the Khitai attacked the Sultan's right, and in accordance with their promise Tort- Aba and the isfabbad withdrew and their forces also retired behind the centre. At the same time the Sultan's left wing defeated the gib-khan's right and they were put to flight. The centres of the two armies then became so involved with one another that neither could distinguish victor and vanquished, and both sides 2 In this chapter [Chapter X] there is in fact no mention of Kiichliig's first and second campaigns against the gitr-ldm, which are dealt with only in I, 47-8 8 The district of Kabud-Jama, now called Hajjilar, lies in the extreme east of Gurgan (Astarabad). See Rabino, Mdzanfardn and Astarabdd, 84. 4 Tort-Aba had been appointed to act as Sultan Muhammad's * representative with the Sultan of Samarqand ' (p. 343) ; he is then described as ' the sbabna of Samarqand* (p. 349), and here as the kf#*f On the terms fats 11691-404 11691 Ala Ad Din Ata Malik Juvaini - - THE HISTORY OF looted and plundered and took to their heels. Now it was the custom of the Sultan on the day of battle to don the garb and dress of his opponents. Moreover certain of his retinue also in the confusion of the two armies had found themselves amongst the army of Khitai. For some days the Sultan remained unrecognized amongst that outlandish people until seizing a sudden opportunity he turned rein and reached the river at Fanakat His arrival brought new life to his army. When the news of his disappearance had been spread about, everyone had had his own theory, some saying that he was a prisoner in the midst of that strange host, others that he had been killed; and no one knew the truth. Therefore messengers went forth with the glad tidings and letters-patent were dispatched to every side. Meanwhile the Sultan of the World returned to the city of Khorazm and again made ready for war and battle. [IX] OF THE CONQUEST OF FIRUZKUH AND GHAZNIN AFTER the Sultan had conquered Herat he assigned Firuzkuh to Sultan Mahmudx [85] and did no harm thereto; and Sultan Mahmud read the kbutta and struck coin in the Sultan's name. During the Sultan's campaign against the infidel, his brother Taj-ad-Din cAli-Shah, betook himself to Sultan Mahmud on account of an estrangement from his brother Sultan Muhammad. Sultan Mahmud received him with every honour, yielding him precedence over all the great nobles and bestowing upon him all manner of gifts and presents. After some time had passed somebody entered Sultan Mahmud's harem by way of a conduit, found him seated upon a throne and killed him. No one knew who had struck the blow but there was a rumour amongst the people that eAli-Shah had assassinated him because he coveted his kingdom. However that might be, when he was dead (and his death took place in the year 609/1212-13) there was no 1 The son of Shihab-ad-Dln (Muhammad Ghuri). 11691-405 11691 Ala Ad Din Ata Malik Juvaini - - THE WORLD-CONQUEROR other descendant of the Sultans of Ghur who might strengthen the pillars of the Sultanate and reinforce the foundations of the kingdom; and accordingly the notables of Firuzkuh agreed upon Taj-ad-Din eAli~Shah [as his successor] and set him upon the throne of the Sultanate. In order to observe the forms of respect he dispatched a message to the Sultan to inform him of what had occurred and to seek permission to assume the rank of Sultan as his brother's deputy. The Sultan sent Muhammad-i-Bashir with robes of honour and other presents for the purpose of his investiture as Sultan together with a signet and letter-patent. When Bashir had completed the ceremonies of congratulation, 'Ali-Shah retired to his robing-chamber in order to don the robes of honour. Bashir picked up the robes and followed him in. Then drawing his sword he struck off his head at one blow. The bearer of good tidings (basbir) became a harbinger of evil (nazir), and congratulations were turned into condolences. With €Ali-Shah's death there was no one left to compete for the throne. The other letters-patent addressed to the chief officials with a view to winning them over were now read out, and the kingdom of Ghur and Firuzkuh and all that region passed into the hands of the Sultan. After this, in the year 611/1214-15, there came news that Taj-ad-Din Ilduz had passed away in Ghaznin leaving no heir to succeed him and that one of the ghulams had ascended the throne in his place. The Sultan set out for that kingdom, which was a goodly realm, and directed his whole attention towards the conquest of those climes, which were then added to his other possessions. [86] In the treasury at Ghaznin which had been set up by Sultan Shihab-ad-Din there were discovered letters-patent from the Holy Seat of the Caliphate wherein the Ghurids were incited to attack the Sultan of Khorazm and the latter's (?) deeds and actions were reviled and misrepresented. The Sultan's anger with the Supreme Divan was increased hereby for he now knew that the hostility of the Ghurids had been largely due to the incitement and encouragement of the Seat of the Caliphate. Having taken possession of the lands of the Sultan of Ghur in the direction of India he returned to Samarqand. For the time 355 11691-406 11691 Ala Ad Din Ata Malik Juvaini - - THE HISTORY OF being he made no mention of that discovery wishing first of all to conquer the eastern provinces. This subject has been dealt with in a previous chapter.2 The countries of Herat, Ghur, Gharchistan and Sijistan to the frontiers of India were now added to the Sultan's domains. This was a realm which no one had conquered. These lands formed the central basis of the empire of Sultan Mahmud son of Sebiik-Tegin and his descendants, generation after generation; and they still remained a separate entity under the Sultans of Ghur. They were now made the seat of Sultan Jalal-ad-Din. [X] OF THE KHANS OF QARA-KHITAI,1 THEIR RISE TO POWER AND THEIR DESTRUCTION THEIR original home was in Khitai where they were persons of authority and importance. Some powerful reason required their expulsion from their country, and they were forced to go into exile exposing themselves to perils and enduring the hardships of travel. Their prince and leader they call the giir-khan, i.e. the khan of khans. When he2 left Khitai [87] he was accompanied by 80 members of his family and retinue,3 though according to another tradition he was accompanied by a very 2 There is in fact no previous mention of this matter. There is however a subsequent reference in Chapter XII (ii. 390). 1A translation of this chapter was made by Dr. K. H. Menges for the use of Professor Wittfogel and Professor Feng in the appendix on Qara-Khitai in their monumental work, History of Chinese Society: Liao (90 j-112$). 2Le. the original gfir-kkan, Yeh-lii Ta-shih (1124-43). On the tide^r-fefew see above, p. 62, n. 4. 3 * Literally, " eighty people of his tribe and his followers". The wording is ambiguous. It may mean: eighty followers, members of his own tribe and others; or: eighty members of his tribe and (in addition) other followers. The first interpretation seems suggestive since the figure eighty more probably refers to the whole escort than to part of it; but the argument is by no means conclusive. The second interpretation implies the existence of additional followers beside the eighty tribesmen, which would bring the total closer to the number mentioned in the Liao Sbth, i.e. two hundred." (Wittfogel and F6ng, op. dt.} 631, n. 16.) 354 11691-407 11691 Ala Ad Din Ata Malik Juvaini - - THE WORLD-CONQUEROR large following.4 When they reached the country of the Qirqiz they made attacks on the tribes in that area, who in turn harassed the Khitayans. From thence they journeyed on till they came to the Emil, where they built a town of which some traces still remain. Here many Turks and tribes in great numbers gathered around the giir-khan until they amounted to 40,000 households. But here too they were unable to remain and so they moved on until they came to the region of Balasaqun, which the Mongols now call Ghuz-Baligh.5 The ruler of that country was a man who traced his descent to Afrasiyab but had no strength or power. The Qarligh6 and Qanqli Turks in that area had shaken off their allegiance to him and used to molest him by making raids upon his followers and cattle and carrying out depredations. And this person, who was the ruler, was unable to check them or ward them off. Hearing of the settlement of the gtir-khan and his followers and their great numbers, he sent messengers to him to inform him of his own powerlessness and of the strength and wickedness of the Qanqli and Qarluq and to beg him to advance upon his capital so that he might pkce the whole of his kingdom under his control and so free himself from the cares of this world. The giir-kban proceeded to Balasaqun and ascended a throne [88] that had cost him nothing. From the descendant of Afrasiyab he took over the title of khan, giving him the designation of ilig *tiirkmen.7 He then dispatched 4' The two versions recorded by Juwayni seem irreconcilable. However both make sense if we accept the Chinese record which notes that Yeh-M Ta-shih reached KVtun with only a small group of followers, adding numerous BCW troops to this nucleus during his sojourn in the northern garrison. He soon had " ten thousand war horses "... Juwayni's seemingly contradictory versions possibly refer to these two phases of Yeh-lii Ta-shih's military career, which the Moslem historian, writing a hundred and fifty years after the event, failed to distinguish.' (Loc. dt, n. 17.) 5 Reading TZ BALYF for the FR BALYT of the text. The name has already appeared in the form Quz-Ballgh. See above, p. 58 and n. -21. In the Chinese record we find the older form of the name, Quz-Ordu. See Wittfogel and Hng, op. dt, 538. e Qarligh (QRLYT) for the usual Qarlugh (QRLT). 7 Reading AYLK TRKMAN for the AYLK TRKAN of the text in accordance with Barthold's suggestion. See above, p. 288, n. 34- It may be however that the phrase is to be read: ilig-i-Turkan ' the % of the Turks *. See Marquart, Uler &as Volkstttm hr Komanett, 164. 355 11691-408 11691 Ala Ad Din Ata Malik Juvaini - - THE HISTORY OF sbahnas to every region from Qam-Keinchik 8 to Barskhan9 and from Taraz to Yafinch.10 When some time had passed and his people had prospered and their cattle grown fat, he brought the Qanqli under his sway and dispatching an army to Kashghar and Khotan conquered that region also. He next dispatched an army to the land of the Qirqiz to avenge the treatment he had received at their hands. He also conquered Besh-Baligh and sent an army from thence to Farghana and Transoxiana, which countries likewise submitted to him, the Sultans of Transoxiana, who were the ancestors of Sultan *Usman, acknowledging him as their suzerain. After he had gained these victories and his army had been heartened thereby and his horsemen and horses increased in number, he sent Erbiiz, who was his commandeir-in-chief, to Khorazm, where he sacked the villages and wrought great slaughter. Atsiz, the Khorazm-Shah, sent an envoy to him, accepted allegiance to the gtir-kban and agreed to pay a tribute of 3,000 gold dinars, which he delivered thereafter every year in goods or cattle. Having made peace on these terms Erbuz returned home. Shortly afterwards the gur-kban died and his wife, Kuyang,11 ascended the throne as his successor and began to issue commands. All [89] the people yielded obedience to her until she was overcome with sensual desire and was put to death with someone who was related to and associated with her.12 One of the gitr-khan's two 8 I.e. the region of the Upper Yenisei. See above, p. 69, n. 21. 9 Reading BARS XAN for the BARSRHAN of the text. Apparently Upper Barskhan, which ky south of the Issyk Kul, " most probably near the present-day Przhevalsk (Qara-qol) *. See Minorsky, Hudud, 292-3. 10 Reading YAFNC for the YAMNH of the text. Yafihch according to Kashghari was * a town near the IK * (HE, 375) and also the name of a river (I, 59), which Minorsky, op, dt., 276, is inclined to identify with the Qara-Tal, which flows into Lake Balkhash north of the Ih*. nKWYNK. This was Tra-pu-yen (1144-50), whose honorific title was the Empress Kan-t'ien, her reign title being Hsien-ch'ing. See Wittfbgel and Feng, op. dt., 621 and 643. Kuyang is perhaps identical with the Mongol title guyimg from the Chinese kvo-wang' prince de royaume', on which see Pelliot-Hambis, Campagnes, 221 and 362-4. 12 Here Juvaini has confused Yeh-lii Ta-shih's widow with his daughter, Pfu-su-wan, on whom see above, p. 290, n. 37. The paramour was her brother-in-law, Hsiao p'u-ku-chih. See Wittfbgel and Feng, op. dt,> 646. 11691-409 11691 Ala Ad Din Ata Malik Juvaini - - THE WORLD-CONQUEROR brothers,13 who were still alive, was chosen to succeed him, The other brother tried to seize the kingdom and was removed. The first brother waxed in strength, appointing each person to some office and sending sbabnas to all parts. When Atsiz was succeeded by his son Tekish, the latter continued to pay the fixed amount in tribute and strove to please the gur-khan in every way. When he was lying on his death bed he charged his sons not to fight the giir-kban nor to break the agreement that had been reached, because * he was a great wall behind which there were terrible foes'.14 When Sultan Muhammad came to the throne he continued for a while to pay the tribute and there was nothing to mar the friendship between them. Thus, when Shihab-ad-Din of Ghur attacked the Sultan, the gw-kban sent a force of 10,000 men to his assistance. They joined battle at Andkhud and the Ghuris were routed. However, the Sultan's ambition was such that he considered the Lord of the Planets inferior in rank to his own parasol, and it irked him to submit to a capitation-tax and to pay tribute to the giir-kban. He held up payment for two or three years and was slow in discharging his obligation. In the end the gur-khan sent Mahmud Tai,15 his chief vizier, to claim what was due. When he arrived in Khorazm, the bearer of somewhat harsh missives, the Sultan was preparing for a campaign against the Qifchaq and did not wish to give a rough reply and so disobey his father's injunctions. Furthermore he was about to absent himself from his kingdom and it was undesirable that the Qara-Khitayans should avail themselves of 18 These two brothers must in fact be the sons of the Emperor Yi-lieh (ii5i-63)t who according to the Liao shih had left instructions that his younger sister was to succeed him since his son, i.e. apparently his elder son, was still of tender age. Upon P'u-su-wan's death however it was Yi-lieh's younger son who came to the throne. It would appear from Juvaini's account that the elder brother had then attempted to assert his rights. See Wittfbgel and F&ig, op. dt.r 644, 646 and n. 18. The younger brother was Chih-lu-ku, the last of the gur-Ums (1178-1211). 14 See above, p. 347- 15 Cf. the name Oz-Beg Tai (ii* 414). Tai (TAY) could be either td * maternal uncle* (Houtsma, Gbssar, 83) or td * colt' (1WL), which frequently occurs in compound names. 357 11691-410 11691 Ala Ad Din Ata Malik Juvaini - - THE HISTORY OF the opportunity and make an attack. On the other hand he was ashamed to accept his position as a tributary. In replying, therefore, he said neither good nor ill but entrusted the settlement [90] of the matter to the counsel of his mother, Terken Khatun, and made his departure. Terken Khatun ordered the giir-kban*$ envoys to be received with honour and respect. She treated them courteously and paid up the annual tribute in full. She also sent some of the notables of her court to accompany Mahmud Tai to thegur-kban and apologize for the delay in payment; and confirmed that the Sultan was still bound by the terms of subjection and submission. However Mahmud Tai had observed the ambition and contumacy of the Sultan and had recognized that his temper was such that he considered his rank too elevated for him to abase himself and fawn before any mortal or to humble himself in any way; he deemed all the monarchs of the world to be his servants, nay he considered Fortune herself to be his handmaid. In war I am a mgmg lion, javelins my lair and my swords my daws. Time ts my slave and Generosity my thrall, the earth my abode and, mankind my guests. Mahmud Tai reported all these circumstances to the gur-khan and said: * The Sultan is insincere and will not pay tribute again/ The giir-khan, for his part, did not specially honour the Sultan's envoys or pay them much attention. When the Sultan returned in triumph from his campaign against the Qifchaq to Khorazm, the capital of his kingdom, he began to make plans for the conquest of Transoxiana, leading an army to Bokhara and sending secret messages to every side and encouraging everyone with promises, holding out particular inducements to Sultan cUsman. All were tired of the long rule of the giir-kban and had come to detest his revenue officials (mansulan-i^nmmal) and local administrators (muqalladan-i-amal), who, contrary to their former practice, had begun to conduct themselves in a lawless and oppressive manner. Accordingly everyone accepted the Sultan's invitation, which both heartened 35* 11691-411 11691 Ala Ad Din Ata Malik Juvaini - - THE WORLD-CONQUEROR and rejoiced them; and the Sultan turned back from Bokhara on the understanding that he would return in the following year to attack the giir-khan. In the East, too, the emirs of the gtir-khan began to breathe rebellion. At that time Kiichlug [91] was in attendance on the gUr-khan and was unable to oppose him as he would have wished. When he heard how his fortunes had changed and his kingdom was tottering he craved permission to return and gather together the scattered remains of his forces, dispersed on every side, in order that he might come to his assistance. This pretence accorded with the giir-khans temper and he believed his words, which exuded from a well of falsity and a mass of iniquity. He distinguished him with costly robes of honour and conferred upon him the tide of Kucbl&g-Khan.™ When he had gone the gtir-kban repented of having sent him— And be repented when repenting was of no avail. He sent for the local rulers upon every side that were his emits and agents such as Sultan "Usman and others. Now Sultan cUsman had sought a daughter of the giir-khan in marriage and had been refused. He was therefore full of resentment against him and did not respond to the summons. Instead he sent a messenger to Sultan Muhammad to declare his loyalty to him. He also read the JAutba and struck coin in Samarqand in the Sultan s name and rose in open rebellion against the giir-UMn. When the latter received tidings of this he mustered 30,000 men and sent them to wage war on Sultan 'Usman. He recaptured Samarqand but would allow no great harm to be done to it, for he regarded it as his treasury. But when Kiichliig had gathered strength in the more distant regions and began to attack and ravage his territory he withdrew his army from Samarqand in order to repel him and dispatched them against him. Learning of the confusion caused by Kiichliig and of the giir-kban*s having sent his army to destroy and uproot him, the Sultan availed himself of the opportunity and set out for Samarqand. The Sultan of Sultans came out to receive him and surrendered the 16 C£ afcove, p. 63. 11691-412 11691 Ala Ad Din Ata Malik Juvaini - - THE HISTORY OF kingdom of Samarqand into his hands* From thence they proceeded together against the giir-khan and came at last to Taraz, where Tayangu lay with an enormous army. He too mustered his forces and came out to do battle. When the two armies stood facing each other, attacks were made by either side, and the left wing of both armies drove back the opposing right wing [92], after which both sides withdrew. The giir-khan's army then retreated, Tayangu having been taken prisoner; and the Sultan also retreated. As they retired the army of Khitai set their hands to rapine and massacre and devastation in the towns and villages and amongst the peasantry. When they arrived before Balasaqun, the inhabitants, who had set their hearts on the Sultan's conquering that region, closed their gates and, when the army of Qara-Khitai arrived, refused to admit them; nay rather they joined battle with them and fought hard for sixteen days thinking that the Sultan was at their heels. Mahmud Tai and the emirs of the gm-lthan tried to come to terms with them and offered advice, but they would not trust them. Finally, the army of Khitai, which lay open every side, was all gathered together; whereupon they drove the elephants they had captured from the Sultan's army against the gates and destroyed them. Having massed upon every side their troops now entered the town, where they laid their hands on their swords sparing no one. For three days and nights they massacred the inhabitants, and 47,000 of the chief notables were counted among the slain; whilst the giir-khan's army were greatly heartened by the quantity of booty. Now the Khan's treasuries had been emptied partly by looting and partly by the payments of wages and salaries, and Mahmud Tai, fearing lest covetous eyes might be cast upon his own wealth, which was greater than that of Qaran, suggested that the private treasury which the army had retrieved from Kuchliig should be collected together again. But when the emirs heard of this idea, they hung back and became uneasy; and began to breathe the breath of independence and rebellion. Meanwhile Kiichliig was again ready for action, and when he heard that the giir-kban was separated from his army, [93] that the towns and peasantry had been subjected to oppression and 3<5Q 11691-413 11691 Ala Ad Din Ata Malik Juvaini - - THE WORLD-CONQUEROR that the greater part of the army was standing aloof from him, he again availed himself of his opportunity and falling upon him like a lightning-flash from a cloud took him completely unawares. God Almighty bath said: c Seest tbon net that we send the Satans against the Infidels to urge them into sin ? *17 All of his army was scattered and far away, and having no other choice he sought to do homage to Kiichliig and humble himself before him; but Kiichliig would not suffer this but treated him with respect, looking upon him as a father and sparing his feelings. Now the giir-khan had affianced to himself the daughter of a great emir, who was the envy of Venus and Jupiter. When he came under Ktichliig's dominion the latter took the girl for himself. A year or two later thegtir-khan passed away18 and the wind of that dynasty died down after they had reigned in prosperity and happiness for three qarn and five years,19 during all of which period no harm had touched the skirt of their fortune. But when the time came for their decline and fall, one who had been a captive in prison became ruler over the khan of that people, whilst the giir-khan received a tomb for his abode and all his people were bewildered and dismayed. When the time came that kingdom did not remain; all that lordly activity was of no avail. When it comes, it is gain, when it goes it is pain; empty-handedness is preferable to such treasure. God Almighty hath said: e Their state is like that of the people of Pharaoh, and of those before them who treated their Lord's signs as lies. We therefore destroyed them in their sins, and we drowned the people of Pharaoh; for they were all doers of wrong/20 17 Koran, xix, 86. 18 Chih-iu-ku was deposed by Kiichliig in 1211 and died in 1213. See Wittfbgel and Feng, op. at., 652 and 653. 19 Reading si aam va panj sal with D. The text, following A, has si gam wvad va panj sal, i.e. probably * three garn (= ninety) and five years'. Rashid-ad-Din (Berezin, XV, 80) has the same reading as D. Smirnova, 182, translates the phrase * three hundred and five years', evidently taking qtm in its modern sense of * century'. For qam * a period of thirty years * see Minovi and Minorsky, Nmr al-Din TM on Finance, 760 and 772. In actual fact the dynasty (1124-1215) lasted for rather less than 95 years—89 solar or 92 lunar years, 20 Koran, viii, 56. 361 11691-414 11691 Ala Ad Din Ata Malik Juvaini - - 11691-415 11691 Ala Ad Din Ata Malik Juvaini - - 11691-416 11691 Ala Ad Din Ata Malik Juvaini - - 11691-417 11691 Ala Ad Din Ata Malik Juvaini - - 11691-418 11691 Ala Ad Din Ata Malik Juvaini - - 11691-419 11691 Ala Ad Din Ata Malik Juvaini - - 11691-420 11691 Ala Ad Din Ata Malik Juvaini - - 11691-421 11691 Ala Ad Din Ata Malik Juvaini - - 11691-422 11691 Ala Ad Din Ata Malik Juvaini - - 11691-423 11691 Ala Ad Din Ata Malik Juvaini - - 11691-424 11691 Ala Ad Din Ata Malik Juvaini - -